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Saturday, 24 April 2010

From Today's Papers - 24 Apr 2010

Asian Age
Asian Age
The Pioneer
Asian Age
Asian Age
Asian Age
Asian Age
Telegraph India
Indian Express
Times of India
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  Dealing with Naxalites Strategy and tactics require revisiting
by Maj-Gen Ashok K. Mehta (retd)  Besides the brilliance and brutality of the Naxalite ambush sprung in Dantewada on April 6 that accounted for the single biggest one-day loss ever to security forces, two other images remain in the aftermath of the tragedy. Instead of saluting during the cremation of CRPF jawans, police officers doing namaste; and policemen bunched in single-file on patrol in the Dantewada forest. Both these actions demonstrate the civilian mindset of the police when military ethos is the answer.  The way 26/11 galvanised counter-terrorism, Dantewada will, we hope, chivvy counter-insurgency and anti-Maoist strategies. Since Black Tuesday a torrential downpour of lessons and ideas have flooded policy-makers on strategies to cope and confront the Maoist People’s War. At one extreme is civil society’s Arundhati Roy, calling Maoists Gandhians with guns while on the opposite side is the gun-wielding majority, demanding their extermination.  Clearly, India is facing the gravest internal security threat ever, first recognised by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2004 but without doing anything about it. Six years later, after repeatedly underestimating its gravity, the politico-military response turns out to be too little too late. The biggest distortion about the Maoist challenge is that it is billed as a law and order problem falling under state jurisdiction when even the blind will acknowledge it is a full-blown insurgency beyond the capacity of individual states.  It is a political problem with the Centre and the state having conflicting interests. Recently, West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya accused Railway Minister Mamata Bannerji of having links with the Naxalites. Jharkhand, Orissa, Bihar and Maharashtra are known to be soft on them. The Andhra Pradesh model of carrot and stick worked but with 10,000 Maoists operating across state boundaries under a unified command, and with an elaborate financial support structure ($ 200 million annually), and no dearth of manpower, only a well-coordinated and robust Central and state multi-pronged response can arrest the Maoist contagion beyond the 226 districts of the country’s 630.  Consider the costs. More than 900 persons were killed in 2009 in Naxalite- related violence which is more than the combined fatalities of the proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir and CIS in the North East. The economic cost is horrific: three steel plants, a chemical hub and a car plant all worth $ 15 billion have failed to come up and production and shipment of iron ore and aluminium have been hit and access to other strategic materials like thorium and bauxite prevented. Mamata Bannerji informed Parliament recently that 40 per cent of railway business was undermined by the Naxalite strikes and other disruptions. About 40,000 sq km of territory is under the Naxalite control with some areas not visited by government officials since 1970 and some not since Independence. According to a reliable estimate, the recurring cost of the People’s War Group is nearly 2 per cent of India’s GDP. With a red corridor effectively in the making, there is an image and security problem for domestic and foreign investment. The Maoists are able to free their mates from a top-security jail in Bihar, demolish a police post in West Bengal, raid an armoury in Orissa… the toll is unending and extracted with impunity.  The Maoists have the upper hand. Given the scale of the problem and the operational deficiencies thrown up by Dantewada, both strategy and tactics require revisiting. The CRPF, according to the 2000 Group of Ministers report, is the designated force to tackle internal security but is untrained to fight insurgency which requires combat skills or an infantry soldier. The BSF is the only paramilitary force equipped, trained and battle inoculated like the infantry. Massive expansion of the CRPF to 216 battalions has diluted quality and training standards. Specialist skills are being compromised by sheer numbers without matching weapons and equipment. Leadership is seriously in question. It is divided between the CRPF up to the level of Assistant or Deputy Commandant whereas the IG level and above are imported from the Indian Police Service.  The command structure must be rationalised. State police which is required to be the lead element in counter-Naxal operations is deeply politicised and geared to combat riot situations. There is a deficiency of 80,000 police, aggravated by the failure of states in implementing police reforms ordered by the Supreme Court.  The long-term challenge for the Home Ministry and Army is training of state and central police forces to requisite infantry standards. In the interim the Army must accommodate larger numbers of CRPF for six to eight weeks training in its CIS and Jungle Warfare schools in Eastern and Northern Commands. This will require expansion of training infrastructure and strict guidelines for trainers and trainees. Police units must be trained as cohesive teams led by dedicated officers.  Bihar and West Bengal are to raise units from 60,000 ex-servicemen who retire each year from the Army. Lateral induction into central police forces from Army must no longer be dodged on grounds of difficulties in adjusting seniority. The Army should consider establishing cantonments, military stations, collective training areas and firing ranges in Maoist-affected states. Operational advisory and monitoring teams should be embedded with CRPF units during training and operations. It is in the Army’s interest to militarise the CRPF to avoid getting sucked into a third front.  Nearly 60 Central police battalions (CRPF, BSF, ITBP and SSB) are deployed to assist states to fight the Maoists. Another 60 battalions are required to achieve reasonable force-on-force ratio to regain the initiative. This could take 3-5 years unless the Army and IAF are selectively employed to close the gap. The notion of not using the Air Force “against our own people” is outdated and self-punishing. Maoists have butchered hundreds of innocent civilians and policemen. How can they be our own people?  The IAF employed Hunter jets and helicopters to break the MNF siege of an Assam Rifles Post in Aizawl in March 1966. Thrice it was used in Jammu and Kashmir – May 15, 2000, helicopters were used to kill militants in Kandi-Yusmarg; on March 25, 2000, Mi35 attack helicopters fired rockets and guns on hilltops to destroy militant hideouts. Attack helicopters were used in 2003 on Hilkaka heights in the Pir Panjal ranges. The IAF was also used in offensive role against Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka quite freely. Concern for collateral damage reflects the operational ethos of our armed forces.  India is the only country facing a multiplicity of grave internal security threats to which it responds with minimum force at avoidable human cost instead of using adequate and proportionate force. Security forces need not be apologetic about gaining the upper hand with selective use of force. Of course, there is no military solution, but applying calibrated force is unavoidable. Lack of political will is responsible for insurgencies dragging on and the Maoist gaining ascendancy.







 Combat soldiering not for women
by Col Pritam Bhullar (retd)  WOMEN officers in the armed forces are asking for parity with the male officers in all streams, including the combat arms. In September last year, the government decided to grant permanent commission (PC) to those women officers who were recruited after March 2009 on the completion of 10 years of service and that too in a few administrative streams.  Some women officers challenged the decision in the Delhi High Court. On March 12, the Delhi High Court ruled: “Women officers of the Air Force who had opted for PC but were granted extension of SSC and of the Army are entitled to PC on a par with male officers.”  As for their induction into the combat arms, the Delhi High Court said: “The claim of absorption in areas of operation not open for recruitment of women officers cannot be sustained being a policy decision.” The court refused to interfere with the policy decision, which does not offer permanent commission to SSC officers across the board for men and women being on parity and as part of management exercises.  A study carried out at the Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff on all aspects of employment of women officers in the armed forces in 2006 recommended that women officers should be excluded from close combat roles.  Women officers are up in arms against such thinking and say that the Army is a male-dominated establishment in which the risk to women in combat roles due to their biological difference from men is exaggerated. They feel that nothing poses more challenge to women than men in close combat roles. It is only the masculine mindset of the military that is keeping women out of close combat roles.  Several countries such as America, the UK, Australia, Canada, Israel, Russia, Spain, Thailand, Vietnam and Yugoslavia enlist women in their armed forces. America has a large percentage of them, that is 11 per cent, in its volunteer forces. The first large-scale war fought with women’s active participation in it was the Gulf war in 1990. Among the US troops in this war, 8 per cent were women who not only contributed their share to the victory of the allied forces but also figured in the list of casualties and POWs. Of the 13 women killed, five were battle casualties and two women were captured by the Iraqi army.  At the time of induction of the US forces into Saudi Arabia in 1990, a former Marines officer-turned-journalist said: “Women could play their part in the rear areas, but soldiering was something best done by men.” He went on to say that he was not alone in expressing misgivings about what would happen if women got involved in combat. “As soon as women stated coming home in body bags or the Iraqis captured a few and raped them, we would see an end to it,” he quipped. And sure enough, this was proved true as America did not send them again to the second Gulf war.  The two women who became POWs were Major Rhonda L Cornum and Specialist Melissa Colman. In June 1992 Major Cornum testified before the Presidential Commission on the Assignment of Women in the Armed Forces that she was “violated manually, vaginally and rectally.” Based on the disclosure of Major Cornum, the opinion that gained ground in America was that women were far more vulnerable than men in combat. Incidentally, none of the male prisoners reported any such treatment though they complained of inhuman torture.  Admittedly, it is their gender that puts women at a great disadvantage in battle. For, they not only become victims of sexual assault by the enemy in the event of being captured but they also run the risk of losing their chastity at the hands of their own forces.  Despite their derring-do, frontline soldiering is risky for women as no country can reconcile to its women soldiers being sexually violated in battle. Combat soldiering should, therefore, be counted out for women. Their place is in the rear areas where they are not likely to come into contact with the enemy. They should be granted SSC in the administrative wings of the three services and should be considered for the grant of PC after five years of service depending on their suitability, as in the case of male SSC officers, so that they can make the Army a career for them. 







 Inside Pakistan Is army takeover no longer possible?
 by Syed Nooruzzaman  With President Asif Ali Zardari’s assent to the 18th Constitution Amendment Bill, one question that is being hotly debated is whether it will really no longer be possible for a future Army Chief to stage a coup in Pakistan. The 18th Amendment has strengthened Article 6 of the Pakistan Constitution, barring courts from legitimising a military takeover of power.  Asif Ali Zardari Asif Ali Zardari  Article 6 in its new form has it that any judge validating an army coup will be guilty of high treason. That is why Zardari asserted while signing the historically significant Bill that he had closed the doors forever on military dictators usurping power.  But Zardari also added that “mishaps can take place”. This part of his statement is equally significant. It is true that “The judiciary has always been the vehicle of legitimising the illegal removal of elected governments”, as Daily Times has commented. Now the judiciary will be doing so at its own peril. But military dictators do not bother about such things. They know that there are many other ways to get the cloak of legitimacy as Gen Pervez Musharraf did by stage-managing a referendum in 2002.  Having a tough law to prevent army rule in the future is one thing. But the law can serve the purpose only if there is a mature political leadership in Pakistan. Most newspapers have stressed the need for a capable political leadership, which can make it impossible for the Army Chief to stage a coup, whatever the circumstances.  General Kayani’s role  Zardari, who had been initially reluctant to forego the enormous powers he enjoyed as President, is believed to have put his signature on the 18th Amendment Bill because he had no better choice. Army Chief Ashfaq Kiyani’s dominant role in all that has happened, though for the good of democracy, has been too visible to be ignored. The Pakistan President, perhaps, was given a clear hint that either he agreed to accept the position of a titular head of state or get ready to be hauled over coals. A way could have been found to open the cases against him relating to his Swiss bank accounts. With the all-powerful Pakistan Army working against him, Zardari could have been prevented from taking the advantage of immunity he enjoys as President.  First support from court  Meanwhile, the Sindh High Court on Wednesday dismissed a petition challenging the eligibility of the Presidential immunity from corruption cases. A Division Bench of the court ruled that the 2008 Presidential election, which went in favour of Zardari, could not be challenged as the President enjoyed indemnity from court proceedings and could be removed only by launching impeachment proceedings in parliament.  The Sindh High Court verdict goes against the opinion expressed by the Pakistan Supreme Court off and on after it nullified the controversial National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). As Raoof Hasan, a Lahore-based commentator, says in an article in The News, “The Supreme Court’s insistence that the government take the necessary steps with regard to the initiation of cases against the President in the Swiss court hinges on its belief that these cases are not covered by the much-hyped immunity clause.”  This shows that Zardari’s troubles are not over despite the bargain he is believed to have made with the Establishment. 








Pakistan in denial: Endless wait for 54 POW families
Viju B & Bharati Dubey, TNN, Apr 24, 2010, 01.39am IST MUMBAI: The thought that her husband might be alive languishing in some jail in Pakistan still gives Manju Malkhani sleepless nights. The Colaba resident hopes a miracle might happen and her husband, Flight Lieutenant K L Malkhani, may return home finally.  Malkhani was a fighter pilot with the Indian Air force and part of the first air strike during the 1971 India-Pakistan war. ‘‘His first sortie on December 3 in 1971 did the maximum damage in Pathankot area and destroyed the communication installations,’’’ recalls Manju. Malkhani did a second sortie but never returned. ‘‘The search team could never find any remains of the aircraft, which probably means the plane did not crash,’’ Manju says.  Manju is not alone. There are 54 such families of defence personnel across the country who still believe their near and dear ones to be in the custody of Pakistan. Data from the defence ministry show that a majority of these persons have been missing for 40 years now. An RTI activist who filed a query on this issue said the families should get some confirmation whether they are alive or not so that they get on with their lives as the uncertainty is more tragic. Punjab and Haryana top the list with 10 officers gone missing and believed to be in Pakistan’s custody. Delhi comes second with nine officers missing, followed by Maharashtra with four officers missing. Out of the 54 missing defence personnel, 24 are from the army.  A senior defence ministry official said during the visit of the external affairs minister in January 2007, the Pakistan government was persuaded to receive a delegation of people whose close relatives were missing in action. ‘‘The delegation of 14 relatives even went to 10 jails in Pakistan. But they could not conclusively confirm any physical presence of the missing officers from the defence services,’’ said the official. He added the Pakistan government has consistently denied the presence of any Indian prisoner of war in its jails. ‘‘But we will continue to exert pressure,’’ the official said.  Ansar Burney, who has been fighting the case of alleged Indian spy Sarabjit Singh said he has been working on this for almost 20 years. ‘‘I found so many prisoners of war in mental asylums, even the Pakistani paper Dawn had reported it then. The problem is that both sides hide their prisoners of war. There was the case of Kashmir Singh who was found after many years and his name then was Ibrahim. I would want the Pakistan authorities to search for them and share the information with the Indian government.’’ Nasir Aslam Zahid, a former judge of Pakistan, has been working to secure release of prisoners on both sides of the border from 2004. ‘‘I visit jails every day and with experience I can tell you there is no Indian prisoner of ‘65 and ‘71 on jail records of Pakistan,’’ he said, adding, there was a joint committee of eight judges from both sides of the border which was abandoned after 26/11.








“India, Pakistan must resume talks”
Sandeep Dikshit Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with his Pakistani counterpart Yusuf Raza Gilani at a meeting. File Photo PTI Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with his Pakistani counterpart Yusuf Raza Gilani at a meeting. File Photo Related NEWS India resigned to ‘holding pattern’ with Pakistan Pakistan hails Manmohan's remark on nuclear deal Manmohan guarded on future Pakistan policy All eyes on Manmohan, Gilani handshake TOPICS diplomacy India-Pakistan international relations peace negotiations summit politics diplomacy politics  “Composite dialogue a very good initiative: Pakistan security sources  India and Pakistan must take reciprocal steps to lessen the threat of violence by non-state actors against each other, senior security sources told a group of visiting Indian journalists.  “We have to sit down and work it out both ways,” said the sources, wondering how “ragtag” groups on the border with Afghanistan came to acquire anti-tank mines and anti-aircraft guns.  “The leaders should resolve disputes by talking. Otherwise, a third party will always be there to take a piece of the cake. The best way is to talk to each other,” the sources said to a question on the security threat India was facing from Pakistan-based groups. In their first-ever interaction with a team of Indian journalists, the sources commended the now-suspended composite dialogue and said this “very good initiative” must be revived.  While the Pakistan security forces had militants in Punjab under surveillance and were taking action against them, their priority was stamping out militancy in the frontier regions and Balochistan, where there was credible evidence of the involvement of foreign intelligence agencies. “How do ragtag groups acquire the capability to create this kind of impact with the entire [Pakistani] military being engaged to overcome such groups,” they asked and suggested that India and Pakistan as well as other actors in the region interact to allay each other's apprehensions.  The sources declined to name the foreign intelligence agencies suspected to be involved in Balochistan and frontier areas, nor did they offer proof of their activities. “The work of intelligence is not to leave signatures, not to leave behind anything on the table. Not all the [militant] groups are indigenous. There are substantial arms, ammunition and money from other sources,” they said, while cautioning, “If you hit us, we will hit you hard and leave no signatures as well.”  Banning groups was no solution; that would only lead to the formation of splinter groups, the sources said. Though south Punjab in Pakistan, home to several anti-India militant groups, was densely populated, the state had access to all parts of the region and operations were constantly taking place. “Still a lot of efforts are on. The way Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan was organised, there is no huge organisation [here] which has a huge area to itself. Military is not required.”  Threat perception  The sources said: “Then, we have to see the capability of the group to threaten the state at that point of time. If you dissipate resources and a reverse happens, then there will be no last line of defence.”  “Because of overwhelming threat, Pakistan became a security state. The youth in Punjab have been brutalised. One group or the other can keep forming. We have to address the cause leading to the formation of such groups. The best way is to talk to each other.”  Admitting that there was a lot of criticism of the Pakistani Army being India-centric, the sources said this was based on threat perception. Pakistan had to configure deployment of armed forces towards India due to a history of conflict, unresolved political disputes and increasing offensive capability. “No state can be expected to lower defence in such an environment.”  Though the Indian Army's doctrine of Cold Start might or might not have been validated, Pakistan had to guard against such an eventuality in view of its increased offensive capabilities. The doctrine is the Indian Army's quest to reduce the time taken to reach the border. It was adopted after it took nearly three months to bring its men and equipment to the border with Pakistan during the December 2001 mobilisation.







BrahMos steals the show at Malaysian defence show  
05:56 GMT, April 23, 2010 According to 8ak (www.8ak.in), a media partner of defpro.com, Brahmand reports that the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile has attracted many high-level delegations from several participating countries at the ongoing Malaysian Defence Services Asia 2010. The high profile potential customers included Malaysia, Vietnam, South Africa, Indonesia, Thailand, Egypt, Oman, Brunei and other African & Middle East countries.  The Malaysian interest in the cruise missile comes at a critical time as the navy is looking for a new weapon system to equip its Meko A100 Kedah class ships. The development is being taken as a positive development within the Indian establishment, which has been looking to export the state-or-the-art missile system. Earlier, DefenceTalk had reported that India was looking to export the BrahMos to Chile, Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia. Additional GM Marketing division, BrahMos, Praveen Pathak, had earlier told 8ak that to facilitate the export of the missile, both the countries had formed a supervisory council, which has drawn up a list of friendly countries, to whom the missile could be exported.  The Missile, developed jointly by India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s Mashinostroeyenia, is considered to be the most sophisticated and fastest in its class around the globe. It can hit targets up to 290 kilometres and was initially developed for the Navy. However, the successful development of the missile resulted in developing an army version as well as an air force version.  The integration process of the missile on to the Sukhoi-30s operated by the Indian Air Force (IAF) is going on and it is expected to enter active IAF service by 2012. Naval sources also confirmed to 8ak that the two nations will jointly develop a hypersonic Mach 8 version of BrahMos in the future and talks were progressing in the right direction for the same. Mach 8 version if developed will fulfil an Indian Navy requirement of a formidable Suppression of Enemy Air Defence (SEAD) LACM and also pose a deadly threat to enemy warships sporting elaborate air defence radar systems like the "AEGIS type" vessels under construction for the Chinese People Liberation Army Navy (PLAN).








India’s War-Mongering Policy against China  
Kashmir Watch, April 23  By Sajjad Shaukat  Although Sino-Indian differences have always existed due to Indian presumption that peace-loving China is its adversary, yet the same has been intensified by the Indian new Army Chief General VK Singh who after taking over the charge on March 30 this year said in his first strategic statement, “Indian Army is well prepared to face any threat from China.” Before him, on December 29, 2009, Indian former Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor openly revealed that Indian Army “is now revising its five-year-old doctrine” and is preparing for a “possible two-front war with China and Pakistan.”    While India is no match to China in conventional and nuclear weapons, but the statements of its two army chiefs clearly show that Indian rulers are ready to go even to the extent of war against Beijing. That is why India’s war-mongering policy continues against China.  Notably, in May 1998, when India detonated five nuclear tests, the then Defense Minister George Fernandes had declared publicly that “China is India’s potential threat No. 1.”India which successfully tested missile, Agni-111 in May 2007, has been extending its range to target all the big cities of China.  As regards Indian new military build up against China, on May 31 last year, after 43 years, New Delhi re-opened its Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO) airbase in northern Ladakh, which overlooks the strategic Karakoram Pass and is only 8 km south of the Chinese border-Aksai Chin area.    On April 20, 2008, The Times of India had written, “By having a full-fledged airstrip at DBO, India will be able to rush in troops and supplies to the region during emergencies.” The paper quoted Western Air Command chief Air Marshal P K Barbora saying: “Yes, we have also plans to land our AN-32 transport aircraft at DBO. It is part of the Indian Air Force to improve air maintenance of the far-flung posts in the region”.  India has also erected more than 10 new helipads and roads between the Sino-Indian border. In this connection, Defence Ministry planners are working on building additional airfields and increasing troops - raising two new mountain divisions to be deployed along the 4,057-kilometer Line of Actual Control (LAC). New Delhi has also announced to develop immediately 1,100 kms of strategic roads on the Indo-Tibetan border.  With the help of Israel and America, on 26 February 2008, India conducted its first test of a nuclear-capable missile from an under sea platform after completing its project in connection with air, land and sea ballistic systems.  On May 10, 2009, Indian Navy Chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta revealed that New Delhi “will soon float tenders to acquire six submarines”. Mehta also accused Beijing and explained that the “Indian Navy would keep a close watch on the movements of Chinese submarines which are operating out of an underground base in the South China Sea” and “wish to enter the Indian Ocean”. However, under the pretension of Chinese threat, Washington, New Delhi and Israel are plotting to block the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean for their joint strategic goals.    Besides, New Delhi has itself been planning to destablise, and even to disintegrate China. In this regard, on March 10, 2008 when anti-government violent protests by Buddhist monks erupted in Tibet’s capital, Lhasa including nearby provinces, India, backed the same, though outwardly denied. Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet who has lived in exile in India along with his 120,000 followers since a failed revolt against Chinese rule in 1959 has been tacitly encouraged by New Delhi - enabling him to mobilize armed groups and international support to create instability in the neighboring provinces of China. For this purpose, India has clandestinely established secret camps where Dalai Lama’s militants are being imparted armed training. In this respect, Indian RAW has sent a number of agents who have joined the ranks and files of the Tibetan insurgents of China, and they create unrest from time to time.  India shows that despite Sino-Indian border dispute, she does not favour an independence of Tibet. But Indian stand is indirectly expressed by its leaders and media. For example, the former foreign minister Yashwant Sinha had said, “We want good relations with China, but if we reach a point of conflict over Tibet, we should be prepared for that eventuality.”  The state-run China Daily, on July 27, 2006, denounced the Lama as a “splittist” and pointed out that he has “collaborated with the Indian military and American CIA to organise Indian Tibetan special border troops to fight their way back into Tibet.”  It is notable that in order to conceal its covert activities, India has always blamed China for backing Maoist uprising. In this context, instead of addressing the root causes of the Maoist uprising, Indian government has recently intensified its blame game against China, alleging for supplying arms to these insurgents. In fact, Maoist movement which has been raging in West Bengal, has now expanded to Indian other regions including Maharashtra. At present, it is a popular insurgency by the downtrodden who have massive support of people for their ideology.    In this context, on October 31 last year, The New York Times wrote,  “India’s Maoist rebels are now present in 20 states and have killed more than 900 Indian security officers…India’s rapid economic growth has made it an emerging global power but also deepened stark inequalities in society.” Nevertheless, instead of paying attention on these ground realties, New Delhi has started a hot pursuit policy towards Beijing.  America which signed a nuclear deal with India in 2008, intends to make India a mini-super power of Asia by containing China and destablising Pakistan as well as Iran. Pakistan’s province, Balochistan where China has invested billion of dollars to develop Gwadar seaport irritates both Washington and New Delhi.  However, Beijing and Islamabad cannot neglect their common defence when their adversaries are following a covert strategy. In this connection, Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari had decided to visit China after every three months to further cement ties between both the old friends. Both the countries have signed a number of agreements to enhance bilateral cooperation in diverse sectors. So Sino-Indian rift is also part of the greater cold war between the US and China. Besides, Indian reservations regarding China’s infrastructural projects in Azad Kashmir are unjustified and discriminative.  India which has openly signed a number of mutual agreements with China, calling the latter a strategic partner, has been playing a double game with Beijing by acting upon the war-mongering policy against China.







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