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Sunday, 7 November 2010

From Today's Papers - 07 Nov 2010

US to support India's full NSG membership
Mumbai, November 6 In a significant announcement during President Barack
Obama's visit, the US today said it would support India's full membership in
the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and three other multilateral
export control regimes. Part of its series of changes to the export control
system as it applies to India, the US will support India's full membership
in the four multilateral export control regimes which will make it easier
for India to get dual-use technology from member countries though it is
subject to rules of individual nations. "These are the NSG- what is called
Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)- the Missile Technology Control
Regime, the Australian Group and the Wassanaar Arrangement," Mike Froman,
Deputy National Security Advisor for International Economic Affairs, said in
a statement. It will also provide India with a say in framing export control
rules. The indication of the US' move came in visiting President Barack
Obama's speech to the business community where he spoke about his plans to
reform export controls. These are groups of multilateral, dual use export
control clubs. The Australia Group deals with chemical and biological
weapons, and Wassenaar deals with conventional weapons and dual use
technology in it. "Now, this membership will come in a phased manner. And
we will consult with our regime members to encourage the evolution of a
membership criteria of these regimes consistent with maintaining their core
principles. "So as the membership criteria of these four regimes evolves, we
intend to support India's full membership in them. And at the same time,
India will take steps to fully adopt the regime's export control
requirements to reflect its prospective membership," Forman goes on to say
recognising, "the nature of the strategic relationship we now have with
India." Three Indian entities -- Defence Research and Development
Organisation (DRDO), Indian Space Research (ISR0) and the
Hyderabad-headquartered Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) - will be taken off
embargoed list. "The second element of the export control reform package
being announced is that we will remove India's defense and space-related
entities from the US entity list. The entity list at one point had, I
believe, 220 Indian entities on it. And there are only four left. And today
we will be announcing a removal of three of them," the US statement said. -
Eyes also on biggest-ever defence deal with US
India needs 10 heavy transporter aircraft for IAF, estimated to cost Rs
29,000 crore Ajay Banerjee Tribune News Service New Delhi, November 6 As US
President Barack Obama arrives in the National Capital tomorrow, India,
while negotiating with the US on military aspects, looks to make sure that
it gets the specialised heavy transport aircraft for the IAF without getting
tied down by signing "unsuitable" military agreements. The IAF needs lift
transport plane C-17-A globemaster III and looks forward to buying 10 of
these. The Defence and Security Cooperation Agency of the US had cited a
cost of $5.8 billion (about Rs 29,000 crore), while the US Congress has
cleared the sale of these planes to India through the
government-to-government foreign military sales route. The cost was
negotiable as this was the highest estimated cost of a "fully loaded model",
said sources while adding that the final cost for 10 planes could be close
to $ 3.8-3.9 billion (about Rs 20,000 crore). India might not take all
communication gadgets on board, hence the cost would come down, he added.
If signed on this visit of Obama, this would be India's single biggest
defence acquisition agreement with the US ever in terms of money. For the
US, this means creation of more jobs in its domestic market, besides the
strategic value of counter-balancing China vis-a-vis India. The IAF intends
to use the 77 tonne carrying capacity of the C-17 to drop troops and heavy
equipment in far-flung areas bordering Pakistan and China. The C-17 has the
ability to take off from muddy tracks and grasslands like those in the North
East and Ladakh. In the next 15-20 years, the IAF needs about 25 such
planes. The IAF's existing fleet of heavy transporters is the Soviet-origin
IL-76 - one of best selling transport planes globally - which has a carrying
capacity of 45-47 tonne and needs a fully paved runaway to operate. One
squadron - 16-18 odd aircraft - is based at Chandigarh and another in the
North East. For the fighter aircraft, termed as the medium multi-role
combat aircraft (MMRCA) $11-billion deal, two US companies are in the fray
along side one each from France, Russia, Sweden and Europe. Obama will
surely be pitching in for the US companies selling the F-18-A and the F-16.
The Indian Navy, last year signed a contract with US company Boeing to
become its first international customer for the P-8, a long-range maritime
reconnaissance and anti-submarine warfare aircraft to replace the
Soviet-origin fleet Tupolev-142M. There is need for more such planes as the
threat from the sea route has risen and the role of the Navy is fast
expanding, sources maintain. The hindrance for the IAF and the Navy could
be the Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement
(CISMOA), or the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) for
geo-spatial cooperation. The Tribune in its edition dated October 21 had
first reported that the armed forces and the Defence Ministry see these as
"binding down" agreements rather than being "enablers" as is being projected
by the US. The IAF sees no use in being interoperable with the US air force
DRDO develops technology for fighter pilots
Shubhadeep Choudhury Tribune News Service Bangalore, November 6 The Defence
Bioengineering and Electromedical Laboratory (DEBEL) of Bangalore,
affiliated to the DRDO, has developed the integrated life support system
(ILSS) for pilots of fighter aircraft. It will be first used in Tejas - the
indigenous light combat aircraft (LCA). The ILSS enables a fighter pilot to
survive the challenges of flight altitudes and impact of G-forces. The
technology had hitherto been confined to a few highly advanced countries.
The engineering model of the ILSS prototype was rolled out on Thursday from
the DEBEL, Bangalore. The ILSS consisting of 12-line replacement units was
handed over to PS Subramanyam, program director, Tejas, for fitment and
further trials. The ILSS essentially performs the tasks of protecting the
pilot against fluctuation of altitudes and severe G forces faced during
aerial combats. It also provides oxygen to the pilot in the case of ejection
from aircraft. The oxygen generation system (OBOGS) of the ILSS keeps the
pilot's oxygen status to the sea-level condition despite being at high
altitudes. The OBOGS enables the pilot to undertake long-endurance sorties
without recharging the oxygen.
No benefits for injuries sustained on leave: AFT
Vijay Mohan Tribune News Service Chandigarh, November 6 In a judgment that
could have wide ramifications on grant of disability pension for injuries
sustained while on leave, the Armed Forces Tribunal on Tuesday ruled that
benefits cannot be granted to an individual for injuries suffered during
leave if the activity he was involved in had no link with military service.
Collectively dismissing 13 petitions seeking claim for disability pension,
the Tribunal's Bench comprising Justice NP Gupta and Lt Gen NS Brar ruled
that there must be some causal connection between military service and the
disability for an individual to be entitled for grant of consequential
benefits. The individuals had suffered varying degree of disability due to
accidents, working in fields, suffering electric shock or other chores while
on leave, which had no correlation with any military activity. As many as
17 petitions, all filed by personnel below officer rank from all three
services, had come up before the bench. While one was allowed, another was
dismissed as withdrawn while orders for evidence and further arguments were
issued in the remaining two. The Tribunal's judgement has kicked-up a debate
in the legal circles as it is in variance with earlier rulings by the
Supreme Court, full bench judgements of some High Courts and even the
Tribunal's own benches. Lawyers said some past judgements had allowed
benefits for injuries sustained while on leave as military personnel were
deemed to be in service while on leave and authorised leave was a direct
offshoot of military service. A person is still under the purview of the
Army Act when on leave. Benefits have been granted for injuries sustained by
individuals while performing routine personal and domestic chores when on
leave. Some judgements have ruled that at the time of injury, the activity
an individual was engaged in should not be inconsistent with the conduct as
well as moral and professional obligations expected of a soldier. This
includes carrying out chores that he would not ordinarily perform if he were
not on leave.
Kaveri powers India's military modernisation
Tribune News Service New Delhi, November 6 India's goal of having an aero
engine that could be fitted on to air force fighter jets of the future has
taken the first step with a little "help" from long-standing military ally
Russia. The indigenously designed and developed Kaveri Engine has been
successfully flight tested by the DRDO at the Gromov Flight Research
Institute (GFRI) in Moscow. According to a Ministry of Defence statement,
the engine was tested from take-off to landing and flew for a period of over
one hour up to at an altitude of 6,000 m at a speed of 0.6 mach in its
maiden flight. An existing IL-76 transport aircraft was modified as a Flying
Test Bed for the trial and the Kaveri engine replaced one of its four
engines. Modifications included instrumentation required for trials as well
as integration of mechanical, electrical and fuel systems. The pilot
controlled the engine from the cockpit and engine data was recorded in the
craft as well as transmitted to the ground station. "The engine control,
performance and health during the flight were found to be excellent," said
the MoD statement. A team of 20 scientists from DRDO's Gas Turbine Research
Establishment has been working with the Gromov Flight Research Institute
team. India has spent around Rs 427 crore in the past three years on the
project. During the coming months, 60 more test flights will be conducted
to test the engine for reliability, safety and airworthiness. These will be
followed by test flying a fighter aircraft with a Kaveri engine.
Originally, the design and development of the Kaveri engine was sanctioned
to achieve flight standards for the indigenously produced Light Combat
Aircraft 'Tejas' for the IAF but the engine did not meet standards. The
first lot of Tejas -- slated for induction into the IAF in 2012 - is
presently powered by General Electric's 404 engines. As part of the long
drawn out development process of the Kaveri engine, key metals like nickel
and titanium besides a super alloy that go into developing such high-grade
engines have been procured and successfully tested. The first setback to the
development of Kaveri came with the imposition of sanctions by the US
following India's nuclear test of 1998. Various global suppliers held back
critical metals and alloys and some components. Besides denial of
technologies by technologically advanced countries, India also did not have
skilled and technically specialised manpower to develop Kaveri.
'My Army' won't topple elected govt: Pak PM Gilani
Gilani was replying to questions of journalists after addressing an
international education conference, 'School of Tomorrow: Freedom to Learn',
organised by the Beaconhouse Group at a local hotel on Friday. Source : ANI
Sat, Nov 06, 2010 15:52:02 IST Views: 12 Comments: 0 Rate:
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RULING OUT any possibility of a military takeover in Pakistan, Prime
Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has said that 'his army' will not rebel against
him. "This is my Army. They will not come," The News quoted Gilani, as
saying. He made these remarks when asked by the media if there was any
possibility of military intervention under the present circumstances.
Gilani was replying to questions of journalists after addressing an
international education conference, "School of Tomorrow: Freedom to Learn",
organised by the Beaconhouse Group at a local hotel on Friday. The
premier also said that the critics who tolerated dictatorship for decades
should now tolerate democracy. "No one criticises dictators; however,
whenever democracy comes in the country, it has to face criticism," he
added. Gilani pointed out that the present democratic government had
successfully resolved the NFC, 18th Amendment and Gilgit-Baltistan issues.
Also, Kala Dhaka had been declared a settled area after 110 years, he noted,
adding that running the government in such circumstances was not an easy
job. To a question regarding Nawaz Sharif's disappointment with his
government, he said that everybody had the right to express his point of
view. "I respect that because this is the beauty of democracy. We
believe in politics of reconciliation," he added. To another question,
Gilani said, "I have good relations with the judiciary and why you media
people want to drag me in some conflict," and added that he loved to have
good relations with all.

The unspoken social contract
Vir Sanghvi First Published : 07 Nov 2010 12:21:00 AM IST Last Updated : 07
Nov 2010 12:30:13 AM IST At the heart of the relationship between the
Indian Army and the people of India lies a mystery. It is a mystery so deep
that even though the most brilliant scholars have spent decades trying to
find a solution, none of their answers has been entirely convincing. Here's
the mystery: the Indian Army, as we know it, was carved out of the army of
pre-Partition, undivided India. Therefore, it has the same heritage and
history (except for the last few decades) as the Pakistani and Bangladeshi
armies, which were also set up by the British during the Raj. Until
recently, officers in the Indian Army had even served with their
counterparts in the Pakistani Army in the days before Partition. But while
the Pakistani and Bangladeshi armies have demonstrated a thirst for
political power, the Indian Army has remained resolutely apolitical.
Generals have run both Bangladesh and Pakistan. But no Indian General has
ever come close to accessing political power. What's more, no Indian
General has seemed remotely interested in becoming this country's military
dictator. Why should this be so? Why should the Indian Army remain content
to take orders from civilian politicians when its counterparts across the
border are so eager to grab power for themselves? It can't be that our
soldiers are merely following the British tradition. In that case, the
Pakistani Army should never have left its barracks. It isn't that our
soldiers have enormous respect for their civilian masters. Give an army
officer two pegs of a good whiskey, and he will tell you, in colourful
language, how much contempt he has for the politicians who run our country.
Nor is it that we have kept the army out of domestic affairs. We use the
army frequently to fight insurrections - in Nagaland, Mizoram, Punjab and
Kashmir. Even when a riot rages out of control, the cry goes out: 'Send in
the army'. It could be that Indian democracy is stronger than the kind of
democracy practiced by our neighbours. But even when democratic rights have
been suspended and an authoritarian regime has taken control of India - as
happened with the Emergency - the Army has shown no interest in getting
involved with the running of the country. I have no solutions of my own to
offer and the Army's unwillingness to leave its barracks must remain a
mystery. But what I know is this: there exists an unspoken social contract
between the Indian Army and the people. Basically, this consists of an
agreement on our part to protect, indulge, admire, pamper and respect the
Indian Army. In turn, the Army will do its own thing until we need it to
save our bacon. Then, it will leave its barracks, clear out the Golden
Temple, restore order to Bombay or Delhi, throw infiltrators and invaders
out of Kargil, and guarantee the security and integrity of India. Our part
of the deal is that we will protect the Army from political interference.
Except for a brief patch in the early '60s, when Krishna Menon was defence
minister, army promotions have not been unduly influenced by politicians.
The chiefs are given free rein to do pretty much as they please. When the
army forcefully expresses a demand (for pay revisions, better facilities
etc) it usually gets its own way. Also part of the deal is that Indians
will hold the Army in the highest esteem. We will treat it as the one
institution that has not been affected by the moral decline of Indian
society. We may be prepared to criticise the paramilitary forces, and to
accept that their men have committed human rights violations. But we will
never accept that this could be true of the Indian Army. Equally, we will
never blame the Army for anything. In 1962, we were thrashed by the Chinese
but the consensus was that politicians had lost the war while our brave
soldiers had done their best. The 1965 war was at best a stalemate (the
Pakistanis also claimed they had won) but we treated it as a glorious
victory for the Indian Army. Operation Blue Star was a fiasco. But even
today, it is Blue Star we remember favourably rather than Black Thunder
(conducted by the paramilitary forces to clean up the mess left behind by
Blue Star), a bona fide success. By and large, the social contract has
worked. The Army has nearly always got us out of jams when we need its
services. Whether it was Delhi in 1984, Bombay in 1993, or Gujarat in 2002,
we needed the Army to restore order. And during the Kargil War, young
officers led from the front, sacrificed their lives and displayed
astonishing bravery in the service of their country. Consequently, the army
sometimes appears to live in a state within a state. Visit a cantonment and
you will be struck by the contrast with the civilian part of the town or
city where it is located. The roads will be broad and well-maintained, the
buildings will be freshly painted, the surroundings will be clean, and an
air of good manners and civility will prevail. Visit an army town
(Wellington, for instance) and the contrast will be even more striking. The
order and cleanliness of the cantonments serves as a contrast to the chaos
and filth of modern India. There is, however, one important aspect of the
social contract that now seems to be failing. As corruption has spread in
modern India, we have reluctantly accepted that most parts of our society
are tainted - civil servants, the schools and even the lower judiciary. But
somehow, we have always believed that the army is different. Oh yes, we
hear the stories. We hear about Generals who take kickbacks on arms deals
and about officers involved in canteen purchase scandals. But because this
corruption appears to be restricted to the Army itself and because we
believe that it is not widespread, we are happy to look the other way. The
problem with the Adarsh scandal and controversies over other land deals that
have erupted recently is that they encroach into the civilian space. Senior
army officers are seen to be conniving with politicians, bureaucrats and
contractors to make millions. Worse still, at least in the case of the
Adarsh scandal, there is a cynical abuse of the social contract. When we say
that we will respect and pamper the army, we do not expect senior officers
to grab flats for themselves in the name of Kargil martyrs. Earlier this
week, the Army chief spoke about his resolve to cleanse his force. I am not
sure he fully grasps how serious the situation is. The problem is not just
that there are 'a few bad apples' in the army. It is that Army corruption
has now spilled out into the civilian space and that Generals are making big
bucks by exploiting the regard we have for the heroism of the Army and the
sacrifices made by its soldiers. If more such instances come to light, then
the press will begin looking critically at the Army. The politicians will
have an excuse to delve deep into the workings of the officer corps. This
will give them the opportunity they need to play favourites. And the public,
regretfully recognising that the Army has breached the social contract
itself, will reluctantly acquiesce in the muck-raking by the press and the
interference by politicians. Once this happens, the social contract will
not survive. The image of the Army will not recover. And the perfect balance
we have built between the Army and the Indian people will topple over. So,
the Army must urgently look at itself. It must crack down on corruption,
identify the guilty men and act swiftly against them. It must do so now.
Because too much is at stake. And tomorrow will be too late.

Corruption in the name of Kargil heroes
Nov 07 2010 The controversy surrounding the Adarsh Housing Society scam
just got murkier, as despite all the hype and hoopla, no official
investigation has been initiated in the matter. Even the Maharashtra
Anti-Corruption Bureau, despite having all overwhelming information, has not
started its inquiries and no FIR has been registered against the alleged
wrongdoers. Moreover, even the CBI inquiry into the involvement of Indian
Army officers is only in its preliminary stages. The CBI has started a
preliminary investigation into the involvement of the armed forces
personnel. However, till date no action has been taken against the
politicians, members of parliament, legislators and bureaucrats from
Mantralaya, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation and the former chairman
of the BEST committee Uttam Khobragade, who gave away BEST land, which was
supposedly meant for a depot. Since the suspected officers of the Indian
Army are in the rank of joint secretaries and above, they come under the
provision of the Central Vigilance Act 2003, and hence any investigative
agency needs prior permission from the ministry of defence (MoD) in order to
register an FIR. According to former IPS officer-turned-lawyer Y.P. Singh,
at present the CBI is only conducting an informal verification of the
involvement of the concerned Army personnel in order to gather preliminary
information, which could constitute the basis for a report to the MoD for
further action. Mr Singh, who has been advising activist Medha Patkar about
this scam since 2007, says that an FIR would be registered only after the
CBI gets the MoD's permission, and thereafter, a search and arrest operation
can be conducted. Meanwhile, in case of the non-defence personnel like the
politicians and bureaucrats, it is the Maharashtra government that has to
take action. The jurisdiction rests with the Maharashtra Anti-Corruption
Bureau. However, little can be expected from the state ACB at this point, as
it is constrained by the shackles of government rules, which make it
incumbent for the authority to seek prior approval from the secretary of the
administrative department at the Mantralaya to register an FIR. So we can
hardly expect the under-a-cloud chief minister Ashok Chavan to give
permission for an FIR against former chief ministers, politicians and most
importantly himself. Mr Singh says, this is the law, and so things are
moving "listlessly." At the moment only hype is being created by the media
and the Opposition. It is a nebulous state of affairs at this juncture.
Meanwhile, all those involved in the scam are trying desperately to prove
that the land on which the controversial structure stands does not belong to
the Army, and they had all the necessary permissions for the additional FSI
and the inclusion of civilians. And all these permissions were granted in
the name of war widows and Kargil heroes. However, the fact remains that
the Army has been in possession of the land for decades and if it had to
give away land to the collector of Mumbai, then the transfer would have had
to be done in accordance with the law. This means that the Army would have
had to seek the MoD's permission, which it did not do, and the land was
given clandestinely for the housing society. Till date, there is no official
document from the competent authority (MoD) to reverse the possession of the
land to the collector. It was a free for all, with all those who broke the
law, giving permission to build what was originally supposed to be a
six-storey building for war widows, a girl's hostel for children of army
officers and heroes of the Kargil war, and not a monstrous 31-floor
structure. All the politicians and bureaucrats who flouted the laws and
gave permission were allotted flats for themselves, their sons, daughters
and even alleged girlfriends. The end result is that out of the 103 society
members now in Adarsh, only three are Kargil soldiers!
Weapons Of Trade What Indian defence companies can gain from the US
By While the focus of the defence aspect during US President Barack Obama's
visit is on what India can buy from the US, it is also time to push for
access to the huge US market for India's defence equipment manufacturers.
With Indian corporate entities such as the Tata Group, Mahindra & Mahindra
and Ashok Leyland, among others, getting into defence technology, the
opportunity is definitely there. "We want the US to buy from us as part of
their supply chain," says Brigadier K.A. Hai, CEO of Mahindra Defence
Systems, adding that the market for Indian weapons exports need not be
restricted to the US. The Mahindras have a joint venture with UK-based BAE
Systems called Defence Land Systems India, which builds combat vehicles for
the Indian army. The US's defence market stands at a humungous $700
billion, and the defence procurement market - what the US government buys in
a year for defence purposes - is an impressive $140 billion. There is also a
$280-billion maintenance and aftersales market that Indian companies are
looking to penetrate. Indian companies would provide technology solutions
such as back-up navigation systems, simulators, mine-protected vehicles and
engineering vehicles. Entry into the US for Indian defence companies will
also open the doors for supply of equipment to the US's allies, which is a
sizeable market as well. Analysts, however, say it will not be easy going
because the US's national security is governed by the International Traffic
in Arms Regulations (ITAR), which prevents US companies from seeking out
partnerships for importing weapons or weapons systems into the US. ITAR
regulates all defence-related imports, exports and partnerships in the US by
any company or individual. No matter what comes out of the talks with Obama,
it might prove very difficult to penetrate ITAR. Besides, most weapons
research and development is commissioned (and funded) by the US government
to private companies such as Lockheed Martin and Boeing. Analysts say that
by doing so, ITAR offsets any foreign participation in defence-related
activity. Pushing to gain entry into the US market is, apart from the
Mahindras, Ashok Leyland. It has entered into a partnership with South
Africa-based Paramount for developing an armoured truck called the Stallion,
and is in the process of developing mine-protected trucks for the Indian
army. However, Tata Motors, the biggest private defence equipment supplier
to the Indian armed forces, is not in formal talks with any US company,
according to a company spokesperson. The company has till date supplied
123,000 vehicles to the Indian military and paramilitary forces, including
specialist vehicles such as light-armoured carriers. Tata Motors has also
developed the 6X6 and 8X8 high-mobility vehicles, especially designed to
carry missiles and their fire control stations. In terms of technology
exchange with the US, current Indian defence players such as BEML, HAL and
DRDO would certainly benefit, but there are riders. Analysts say if India
does not sign two agreements - the Communications Interoperability and
Security Memorandum of Agreement and the Logistics Support Agreement (where
India could be a potential US base) - the technology tie-ups could be
shelved again.
India's hidden 'Cold Start' strategy
06. Nov, 2010 0 The New York Times in a front page story tries to portray
the impression that the Cold Start Strategy does not exist. It is amazing
the Stephen Cohen one of the authors of "Cold Start Strategy" who has
eulogized it on National Television now says that "Cold Start Strategy" does
not exist. Many Bharati journals have been talking about it since Mumbai,
and Bharat Verma has written multiple articles on it in the Indian Defense
Journal. * Senior American military commanders have sought to press
India to formally disavow a military doctrine called Cold Start * Gen.
David H. Petraeus, the top commander in Afghanistan, is among those who have
warned internally about the dangers of Cold Start * Adm. Mike Mullen,
the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Richard C. Holbrooke, the
special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, share these fears. *
Pakistani officials have repeatedly stressed to the United States that
worries about Cold Start are at the root of their refusal to redeploy forces
away from the border with India * That point was made most recently
during a visit to Washington last month by Pakistan's army chief, Gen.
Ashfaq Parvez Kayani. Much of this so called "Cold Start Strategy" is based
on the Israeli strategy which it tried to implement in Lebanon. Israel was
unable to implement its objectives in Lebanon and had to withdraw even from
the Litani River. Israel failed to achieve its goals in Lebanon. In Lebanon,
Israel was unable to stop the barrage of missiles from Lebanon even on the
last day. Many consider this Israel's defeat.India's Cold start war strategy
and the Pakistani Nuclear response. Gen Kapoor's provocative doctrine:
Pakistani countermeasures * The essence of the Cold Start doctrine is
reorganising the army's offensive power that resides in the three strike
corps into eight smaller division-sized integrated battle groups (IBGs)
consisting of armour and mechanised infantry and artillery, closely
supported by helicopter gunships, air force and airborne troops (parachute
and heliborne). * The IBGs are to be positioned close to the border so
that three to five are launched into Pakistan along different axes within 72
to 96 hours from the time mobilisation is ordered. * Cold Start thus
envisages rapid thrusts even when the defensive corps' deployment is yet to
be completed, and high-speed operations conducted day and night until the
designated objectives are achieved * The probable objective areas for
Cold Start could be (1) Ravi-Chenab corridor from two directions, an IBG
along Jammu-Sialkot-Daska axis and another across the Ravi to link up with
the first IBG, and (2) in the south against Reti-Rahim Yar Khan-Kashmore
complex. * To counter Cold Start, the Pakistan Army will have to create
more armour-dominated brigade-sized reserves from the existing resources if
possible, and a more flexible military system and structure. * For
Pakistan the dimensions of time and space assume paramount importance as it
lacks territorial depth, is opposed by a larger adversary and lacks the
resources to fight a protracted war. * The strategy of pre-emption is
thus imposed on Pakistan in the same way it was imposed on Israel prior to
the 1967 war. * The fact that the Pakistani Army can occupy their
wartime locations earlier than the Indian army confers on it the ability to
pre-empt Cold Start; * failure to do so could lead to firing of
low-yield tactical warheads at IBGs as they cross the start line or even
earlier * Pakistani countermeasures to Cold Start Strategy-battle-ready
nuclear weapons * India said on Monday it is monitoring the situation
following media reports suggesting Pakistan is allegedly digging tunnels in
Sargodha district * "We are attempting to establish the purpose of
digging up such large tunnels," an intelligence official was quoted as
saying in the reports. "These clearly cannot be meant for transport as is
obvious from the images available; they don't lead on to roads," he added.
* Delhi's Cold Start Strategy Frozen DOA (Dead on Arrival) The US had taken
up concerns by Pakistan on the perceived 'Cold Start' strategy of the Indian
Army that envisages rapid deployment of troops on the western border to
escalate to a full blown war within days but has been told that such a
doctrine does not exist but is a term that has been fabricated by think
tanks. The matter was repeatedly taken up by senior US Defence delegations
after Pakistan voiced concerns that diverting more troops to the Afghan
border would not be feasible given the Indian 'Cold Start' strategy that
could bring offensive elements of the Indian Army to its eastern border
within four days. While the US has been assured that no such doctrine
exists, the Army has now come on record to say that 'Cold Start' is not part
of its doctrine. Army Chief General V K Singh has told this newspaper that
India's basic military posture remains defensive. NEW DELHI - Senior
American military commanders have sought to press India to formally disavow
a military doctrine that they contend is fueling tensions between India and
Pakistan and hindering the American war effort in Afghanistan. But with
President Obama arriving in India on Saturday for a closely watched
three-day visit, administration officials said they did not expect him to
broach the subject of the doctrine, known informally as Cold Start. At the
most, these officials predicted, Mr. Obama will forecfully encourage India's
leaders to do what they can to cool tensions between these nuclear-armed
neighbors. India now denies the very existence of Cold Start, a plan to
deploy new ground forces that could strike inside Pakistan quickly in the
event of a conflict. India has argued strenuously that the United States, if
it wants a wide-ranging partnership of leading democracies, has to stop
viewing it through the lens of Pakistan and the Afghanistan war. Some in
the administration who agree that the United States and India should focus
on broader concerns, including commercial ties, military sales, climate
change and regional security. However vital the Afghan war effort, officials
said, it has lost out in the internal debate to priorities like American
jobs and the rising role of China. "There are people in the administration
who want us to engage India positively," said an administration official,
speaking on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss internal
deliberations. "They don't care about Afghanistan. Then there are people,
like Petraeus, who have wars to fight." NY Times. Gen. David H. Petraeus,
the top commander in Afghanistan, is among those who have warned internally
about the dangers of Cold Start, according to American and Indian officials.
Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Richard C.
Holbrooke, the special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, share
these fears. The strategy calls for India to create fast-moving battle
groups that could deliver a contained but sharp retaliatory ground strike
inside Pakistan within three days of suffering a terrorist attack by
militants based in Pakistan, yet not do enough damage to set off a nuclear
confrontation. Pakistani officials have repeatedly stressed to the United
States that worries about Cold Start are at the root of their refusal to
redeploy forces away from the border with India so that they can fight
Islamic militants in the frontier region near Afghanistan. That point was
made most recently during a visit to Washington last month by Pakistan's
army chief, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani. NY Times. # Responding to the
"Surgical Strikes": Neutralizing Delhi's Cold Start strategy: # Nuclear
deterrence & Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) blunts Bharat's Cold Start
Strategy # Why India did not attack Pakistan in 2002 and 2008? # The
India-Pakistan war # Delhi's Cold Start Strategy Frozen DOA (Dead on
Arrival) # Responding to the "Surgical Strikes": Neutralizing Delhi's Cold
Start strategy: # Pakistani response to "India's Cold start strategy":
Limited strikes against targets vs Hot War leading to Nuclear Armageddon #
Indian Airforce crying wolf? or facing shortage of jets? # India's Cold War
strategy guarantees hot war-Nuclear annihilation India knows that it can
never win a conventional warfare because of the Nuclear Mutually Assured
Destruction (MAD). However it still harbors notions of winning a sort of a
mini war. India may think it has a Cold Start Strategy, but it may end as a
hot nuclear war. Indian Defense planners cannot guarantee that a limited
strike will not escalte into a full fledged war. A full fledged war witha
nuclear armed labor may destroy both countries. Responding to the "Surgical
Strikes": Neutralizing Delhi's Cold Start strategy: While engaging the
Kashmir question must be the priority, a much more serious problem is that
in less than a decade India has twice threatened us with all-out war in less
than a decade, in December 2002 and 2008, using terrorist action by
non-state actors as a pretext both times. As the name suggests, the Indian
"COLD START" strategy envisages moving Indian forces without any warning or
mobilisation into unpredictable locations at high speeds against Pakistan
(on the Israeli pattern of 1956 and 1967) seeking to defeat Pakistan by
achieving total surprise at both the strategic and the operational levels
(remember Pearl Harbour), striving for a decision before the US or China
could intervene on Pakistan's behalf. An unspoken assumption seems to be
that "rapid operations would prevent India's civilian leadership from
halting military operations in progress, lest it have second thoughts or
possess insufficient resolve". Does this particular Indian military psyche
conform to the so-called civilian control of the Indian military? Facing a
foe having 3:1 superiority, and with such a history and such an offensive
strategy, we may be forgiven for our "India fixation". The military
challenges for Pakistan posed by COLD START derails any resolve for
sustained peace with India, re-constituting Pakistan's strategy to take on
all five of India's "Strike Corps" with all our three "Army Reserve"
formations presently occupied in FATA, Dir and Swat. Please forgive also our
suspicions as to what the many Indian consulates in Afghanistan are doing on
our western borders! Ikram Sehgal. The News The administration raised the
issue of Cold Start last November when India's prime minister, Manmohan
Singh, visited Washington, Indian and American officials said. Indian
officials told the United States that the strategy was not a government or
military policy, and that India had no plans to attack Pakistan. Therefore,
they added, it should have no place on Mr. Obama's agenda in India. For Mr.
Obama, politically wounded by the midterm elections and high unemployment at
home, such deals are also important to bolster his argument that the
relationship between the United States and India can create American jobs
rather than simply siphoning them away. For all the talk of shared
interests, India still lies at the nexus of America's greatest foreign
policy crisis. Its archrival, Pakistan, is a crucial American ally in the
war in Afghanistan. The United States has struggled to find a way to mediate
between them. Some administration officials have argued that addressing
Cold Start, developed in the aftermath of a failed attempt to mobilize
troops in response to an attack on the Indian Parliament by Pakistani
militants, could help break the logjam that has impeded talks between the
countries. But India has mostly declined to discuss the topic. "We don't
know what Cold Start is," said India's defense secretary, Pradeep Kumar, in
an interview on Thursday. "Our prime minister has said that Pakistan has
nothing to fear. Pakistan can move its troops from the eastern border."
Indian officials and some analysts say Cold Start has taken on a nearly
mythical status in the minds of Pakistani leaders, whom they suspect of
inflating it as an excuse to avoid engaging militants on their own turf.
"The Pakistanis will use everything they can to delay or drag out doing a
serious reorientation of their military," said Stephen P. Cohen, an expert
on South Asia at the Brookings Institution. India's ponderous strike
forces, most of them based in the center of the country, took weeks to reach
the border. By then Western diplomats had swooped in. The military began
devising a plan to respond to future attacks. The response would have to be
swift to avoid the traffic jam of international diplomacy, but also
carefully calibrated - shallow enough to be punitive and embarrassing, but
not an existential threat that would provoke nuclear retaliation. But
American military officials and diplomats worry that even the existence of
the strategy in any form could encourage Pakistan to make rapid improvements
in its nuclear arsenal. When Pakistani military officials are asked to
justify the huge investment in upgrading that arsenal, some respond that
because Pakistan has no conventional means to deter Cold Start, nuclear
weapons are its only option. Still, many analysts are skeptical that Cold
Start could be the key for the Obama administration to promote talks between
India and Pakistan, which have been stalled since Pakistani militants
attacked Mumbai in 2008. Agencies and NY Times Reports. Lydia Polgreen
reported from New Delhi, and Mark Landler from Washington. David E. Sanger
contributed reporting from Washington. Obama Is Not Likely to Push India
Hard on Pakistan. Rajanish Kakade/Associated Press. A sign in Mumbai on
Friday signaled preparations in India for President Obama's visit. Mumbai is
his first stop on Saturday. By LYDIA POLGREEN and MARK LANDLER. Published:
November 5, 2010
Indian and Pakistan Army troops exchange Diwali sweets in Poonch
Post a Comment November 6, 2010 - 1:17 pm By News Desk | Permalink | Print
This Article | Poonch (J-K), Nov 6 (ANI): Indian Army personnel exchanged
sweets with their Pakistani counterparts on the eve of Diwali at the Line of
Control (LoC) zero point Chakan-Da-Bagh border area in Poonch district. V.
P. Christopher commanding officer of Bihar regiment gifted sweet boxes to
his Pakistani counterpart and wished him peace and prosperity. Christopher
said it is a very happy moment to exchange sweets with our neighboring
country Pakistan. "We are always delighted and it is one of the most
important and auspicious day for the Indians and I am very happy that we
exchanged sweets with our neighboring country, our friend, Pakistan," he
added Umer, a Pakistani ranger thanked Indian army and people of India for
the sweets and also wished a prosperous Diwali to the people of India. "I
want to thank on behalf of Pakistan army and wish Indian army and Indian
people a very happy Diwali," said Umer The officials also hoped that peace
and love prevails between the two countries Since years, the Army officers
present sweets, gifts and wish the Pakistani rangers to celebrate the Hindu
festival of lights. Besides exchanging sweets on several festivals, troops
also present sweets and gifts on the Independence Day of both the countries.

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