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Sunday, 24 April 2011

From Today's Papers - 21 Apr 2011

Allowances for war heroes hiked
Vijay Mohan/TNS  Chandigarh, April 20 Decorations for gallantry in battles have just got more glitter. There has been an over three-fold hike in the monetary allowances paid by the Central Government to those getting the Param Vir Chakra. There is also a varying increase in the allowances for other gallantry awards.  A Param Vir Chakra (PVC) awardee will now be entitled to Rs 10,000 per month, while Maha Vir Chakra (MVC) and Vir Chakra (VrC) awardees would be entitled to Rs 5,000 and Rs 3,500 per month, respectively.  The PVC is the highest wartime award for gallantry in the face of the enemy and only 21 such decorations have been conferred since Independence. There are 210 Maha Vir Chakra awardees and over 1,300 VrC awardees. Till now, these awardees were being paid Rs 3,000, Rs 2,400 and Rs 1,700, respectively. The allowances were last revised in May 2008. Before 2008, a PVC winner was getting just Rs 1,500 per month.  The Ashok Chakra will carry an allowance of Rs 6,000 per month, up from Rs 2,800 paid earlier. The allowances for the Kirti Chakra (KC) and the Shaurya Chakra have been raised to Rs 4,500 and Rs 3,000 from Rs 2,100 and Rs 1,500, respectively.  Ashok Chakra is the highest award for gallantry other than that in the face of the enemy and is awarded for bravery during operations other than a declared war. This includes anti-terrorist and counter-insurgency operations. The Kirti Chakra and the Shaurya Chakra are peacetime equivalents of the the MVC and the VrC. The allowance for the Sena, Nao Sena and Vayu Sena Medals for gallantry has been doubled to Rs 1,000.  A letter sent to the three service chiefs by the Ministry of Defence on March 30 states that the enhanced monetary allowance would be given to all recipients, irrespective of the rank and income, with effect from the date of issue of the letter. Earlier, a 10-fold hike in the allowances had been proposed.
NATO does not need US for Libya: Biden
US Vice President Joe Biden said in an interview published today that NATO can handle Libya without US help, saying Washington's efforts are better focused on places like Pakistan or Egypt.  "If the Lord Almighty extricated the US out of NATO and dropped it on the planet of Mars so we were no longer participating, it is bizarre to suggest that NATO and the rest of the world lacks the capacity to deal with Libya -- it does not," Biden told the Financial Times.
"Occasionally other countries lack the will, but this is not about capacity," he told the daily amid deep unease among the US public and lawmakers over military action in Libya.  His comments came after the US Defence Department said the US military had flown more than 800 sorties over Libya since handing control of the air campaign's operations to NATO.  Navy Captain Darryn James said US fighter jets this month unleashed bombs eight times on the air defences of strongman Moamer Gaddafi's government, which is battling anti-regime rebels in the North African nation.  Washington coordinated operations in the first days of allied intervention in Libya after the United Nations Security Council approved international military action to thwart attacks by Gaddafi forces on rebel-held cities.  It transferred command to the NATO alliance earlier this month, leaving the Pentagon primarily providing refuelling and surveillance aircraft, but it still flexes its military might.  Biden argued that Washington had to decide whether to spend resources "focusing on Iran, Egypt, North Korea, Afghanistan [and] Pakistan", or give Libya more attention, stressing: "We can't do it all."  "The question is: Where should our resources be?" he asked.  If it came down to deciding between getting a complete picture of Libya's opposition or understanding events in Egypt and the role the Muslim Brotherhood -- an Islamist group feared by some in Washington -- then "it's not even close," said Biden.
First arrest made in Army land scam
PUNE: The CBI on Tuesday arrested Kevin Pinto of Pune Camp and booked S K Nayyar (retired defence estates officer, Pune circle) and Balbhim Rama Gaikwad (talathi of Lohegaon village) in connection with the alleged manipulation of defence records of 69.24 acre land at S. No. 233A in Lohegaon.  Following a look out notice issued against Pinto, the immigration officials had taken him into custody when he landed at the Mumbai airport from the US on Tuesday evening. He was later handed over to the CBI.  According to the CBI, the suspects had entered into a criminal conspiracy with unknown persons to cheat the defence authorities by misrepresenting the facts to show that the land does not belong to the defence. The land has been in the possession of the army since 1918 as per revenue records, the CBI added.  In 2008, the Pune Municipal Corporation paid Rs 4.45 crore to the Government of India to acquire a portion of the land for road widening. As per those rates, the cost of the said land is approximately Rs 800 crore and since then parties with vested interest have tried to lay their claim over this land.  The defence officials in a complaint made to the CBI had said that the land records of the defence estates office had been manipulated. Even revenue records that had shown that the land belonged to the military since 1918 had been changed in 2008 in favour of certain individuals. A case was registered at the CBI office, Pune, on August 13, 2010.  According to the CBI, on August 26, 2008, Pinto had filed an application at the Haveli tahsildar office to delete the names of 'Military Line Kade' and 'Military Kade' from the 7/12 abstract of the land at S. Nos. 233A and 235B in Lohegaon. Pinto had explained how the land at S.No. 233A was formed and how the area did not come under the military authority. He had appended copies of sale deeds, no objection letter from the land acquisition officers, etc. The copies produced by Pinto were having stamps of the sub-registrar Haveli-2. The copies were given from the record room of the sub-registrar, Haveli, from 'Hastalikha, Volume No. 1156'.  The CBI seized the original of 'Hastalikha, Volume No. 1156' during investigations. The agency had found that the copies of the sale deeds produced by Pinto were copies of document registered at S.No. 1242 and 1274 on pages 367 to 380. However, the pages appeared different from the remaining pages of the register.  The CBI had sent the register to the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL), New Delhi, for seeking opinion. The CFSL report said that pages 367 to 380 were not part of the register and were substituted. The copies of the said pages, which were produced as copies of the sale deeds, are prima facie forged documents, the CBI said.  Inspector Mahesh Thite (anti-corruption bureau) produced Pinto before the court of special judge S V Lathkar for seeking CBI custody for five days.  CBI special public prosecutors Vivek Saxena and Ayub Pathan told the court that custodial interrogation of Pinto was required to find out who had inserted the forged pages in the register and to find out who are the persons involved in the forgery and who are the government officials, responsible for maintaining the records, who had helped the suspects.  The prosecutors submitted that time was required to find out the role played by public servants in aiding Pinto and his associates for gaining wrongful possession of the defence land. They also sought time to identity Pinto's associates. The judge sent Pinto to CBI custody till April 25.  The suspects have been charged with committing an offence under sections 13(2) read with 13(1)(d) of the Prevention of Corruption Act and 120(b), 420 read with 511, 466, 467, 468 and 471 of the Indian Penal Code.
It is dangerous to ignore corruption in the armed forces, writes Brijesh D. Jayal  The army recently held a three-day exhibition in Ahmedabad named Know Your Army. Reportedly, the seniormost army officer posted in the state showered praises on the chief minister, who was the chief guest, likening him to an army commander who sets targets and then sets about to achieve them. Praising him for his vision for the development of the state and the nation, the major-general then requested the state to follow the example of other states in allocating land for the Army Welfare Housing Organization to help serving and retired military personnel. Looked at objectively and not through heavily tinted political lenses, all that the general was doing was softening up the chief minister before going in for the request. Perfectly fair tactics.  Judging by media reports, this rather innocuous incident pushed up eyebrows in Lutyens’ Delhi and the ministry of defence sought an explanation from the major general for allegedly violating the army code of conduct, which does not allow soldiers to make political statements of any kind.  When this writer was commanding South Western Air Command then located in Jodhpur, the area of responsibility extended through the states of Gujarat, Maharashtra and Goa. This was in the early 1990s and the then Gujarat chief minister had been supportive in offering the air force a large tract of land in the Ahmedabad area to set up permanent headquarters for the command, which has since shifted there. On more than one occasion the undersigned had openly acknowledged the generosity and help that the chief minister and the state government were extending to the services. Earlier, when commanding Eastern Air Command, one recalls public occasions when similar platitudes were exchanged. The national political climate was relatively benign then.  None of these instances drew unnecessary debate because they were seen for what they were: genuine respect by the armed forces for the civilian leadership in the wider context of civil-military relations. Indeed, in the true apolitical ethos of the armed forces, all that mattered was to use civil-military relations for the larger good of the forces serving within the state’s borders and maintaining a good working rapport should a situation warrant unforeseen aid to the civil authority. The recent episode in Gujarat possibly followed the old spirit. It is the fractious and recriminatory politics of the country that is drawing the armed forces into its ever-strengthening vortex.  Since healthy civil-military relations are the bedrock of a vibrant democracy, this brittleness at a time of mounting security challenges, both internal and external, does not bode well for the Indian state.  Today, unbridled corruption has become the hallmark of the democracy. It is no longer limited to the political, bureaucratic and corporate worlds, but has engulfed the fourth estate and the armed forces too. Yet the nation across political dispensations has shown no determination to stem this rot. The conclusion is obvious — all are to some degree complicit and are beneficiaries.  So it was with considerable cynicism that the nation watched the two Houses of Parliament indulging in a supposedly serious debate over what is called the ‘cash for votes scam’. The incident occurred in 2008 in the run-up to the debate on the controversial nuclear deal. It was public knowledge that trading in members of parliament had taken place. A parliamentary committee to look into the allegations did not find conclusive evidence and recommended further investigation. For three years, the law was taking its own course. And this happy state would have continued, had not the cables from the American embassy in Delhi been revealed by the media courtesy WikiLeaks.  Suddenly the conscience-keepers of the nation were aroused — leading to a futile debate in Parliament. The only meaningful point in it was when the prime minister expressed sadness that he was addressing the House when the country faced enormous challenges: “I thought that this august House would use this opportunity to reflect, not in a spirit of partisan upmanship, but as one, as people charged with the responsibility of governing this country to work out a viable strategy as to how we should and we can deal with these emerging events.”  The prime minister, having made a point of national import then failed to follow up — presumably because even he does not really care. Otherwise, he could have drawn the attention of the House to the decline in the one national institution that must remain untouched by the rot that is eating into the vitals of our polity, the armed forces.  To drive home the point, he could have said that in the recent past no less than three erstwhile service chiefs, six lieutenant generals and three major generals have been put under investigation for gross irregularities. Of these, one lieutenant general has been committed to trial for divulging sensitive information to vendors, and another to three years’ rigorous imprisonment for a scam relating to rations. An Indian air force officer was found taking bribes to show favours to a French company at the Aero India show and a top secret file relating to the lucrative combat aircraft purchase was found on the roadside. These are not individual aberrations but reek of systemic rot. It is possible that just this one statement would have aroused a clamour for a full debate. The prime minister, in turn, would have emerged a moral crusader for offering a constructive platform to prepare for the challenges he cautioned against.  The brittleness of civil-military relations is evident from the unresolved issues relating to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and the army’s consequent unwillingness to commence training in Chhattisgarh until the government issues clear rules of engagement with respect to any Maoist interference — something the civil authorities will find difficult to resolve in the climate of trust deficit that prevails.  Grievances of veterans have been ignored for years even when the Supreme Court has issued favourable judgments. Today, at regular intervals, veterans are returning their medals to their Supreme Commander — who has not once thought fit to meet them. No self-respecting democracy is so callous towards the sentiments of its veterans. This lack of respect is not lost on those serving; it is also received with some glee across our borders. But to our politics and parliament this means little.  The fragility of civil-military relations has other adverse effects. Modernization will continue to be sabotaged by vested interests which will raise the bogey of wrongdoing at critical times in the process of procurement. The lack of consensus on the appointment of a chief of defence staff ensures that we cannot develop an integrated fighting capability so crucial to combating modern security challenges. Inability to set up a national defence university ensures that we are denied the opportunity to educate and train leaders, both military and civil, who will be better prepared for the emerging security challenges.  It is crucial for the nation to decide what place it wants to accord its armed forces in the national scheme of things. This writer had pleaded in these columns (“Through thick and thin”, June 3, 2009) for a Blue Ribbon Commission to make recommendations to Parliament, which could then take a final call.  Now that the debate in Parliament has shown the country how fragmented our polity is and how unreal our priorities, perhaps on the issue of national security and the role of the armed forces there is an opportunity for our polity and Parliament to redeem themselves and display that elusive unity. This is one debate that the guardians of our nation’s borders — the armed forces — will watch with great interest as will our friends and potential foes. But it will need more than poetry and innuendoes.  The author is a retired air marshal of the Indian Air Force
Indian Army holds major wargames
NEW DELHI – Diplomatic re-engagement may have begun afresh but both India and Pakistan are keeping their powder dry. The 1.13 million Indian Army is honing its war-fighting machinery with a major combat exercise, codenamed "Vijayee Bhava'' (Be Victorious), in the Thar Desert to practice "high tempo'' operations to cut across the border.  The "Vijayee Bhava'' exercise, of course, is more conventional in nature, even though the combat maneuvers may be simulated under "a NBC (nuclear, chemical, biological) overhang''.  The exercise, which will enter its peak phase in early-May, is being primarily conducted by the armoured corps-intensive 2 Corps, considered to be the most crucial of Army's three principal "strike'' formations tasked with virtually cutting Pakistan into two during a full-fledged war, Times of India said quoting defence sources.  Incidentally, the 2 Corps based in Ambala is aptly called the `Kharga Corps', taking its name and formation sign from the deadly scythe wielded by Goddess Kali to vanquish enemies.  "In 2009, the 2 Corps had conducted the `Hind Shakti' exercise to fine-tune the pro-active strategy, which is all about mobilizing fast and hitting hard at several border points to catch the enemy unawares and gain momentum,'' said a source.  "The `Vijayee Bhava' exercise, which will also include elements from other Western Army Command (WAC) formations like the Jalandhar-based 11 Corps, will further validate operational concepts,'' he added.  With hundreds of tanks, artillery guns and over 30,000 soldiers, the exercise geared for "network-centric operations'' will see the extensive use of satellite imagery, helicopter-borne surveillance systems, spy drones and a wide array of land-based radars to "achieve battlefield transparency''.  Squeamish for long with India's "pro-active conventional war strategy'', or what is colloquially dubbed the "cold start'' doctrine, Pakistan in turn test-fired a new nuclear-capable ballistic missile Hatf-IX on Tuesday.  Given that Hatf-IX has a strike range of only 60 km, it is clearly intended for brandishing as a "battlefield nuclear weapon'' to deter Indian armoured forces from launching rapid thrusts into its territory.  "Pakistan already has the long and medium range Shaheen and Ghauri series of missiles, to act as the delivery mechanism for strategic nuclear weapons,'' said a senior Indian official.  "So, with this new missile, Islamabad seems to be looking at tactical nuclear deterrence against advancing enemy formations. But it is being foolhardy if it thinks nuclear weapons are war-fighting weapons,'' he added.  India, of course, has its own nuclear and missile plans. It may be steadfast about adhering to a "no first-use'' of nuclear weapons but has made it amply clear that a nuclear retaliation to a first strike will be "massive and designed to inflict unacceptable damage''.  After Operation Parakram in 2002 took almost a month to reach D-Day readiness, India has reorganized Army formations all along the western front to enable a more swift and powerful offensive punch.  It was under this overall plan that the South-Western Command (SWAC) was created at Jaipur in 2005 as the Army's sixth operational command. With the Mathura-based 1 `Strike' Corps and Bhatinda-based 10 `Pivot' Corps under it, SWAC is responsible for offensive operations on the western front in conjunction with the Western Army Command (Chandimandir), which controls the 2 `Strike' Corps.  The Northern and Southern Army Commands, with the latter having the Bhopal-based 21 `Strike' Corps, at Udhampur and Pune respectively, will of course also play a crucial part in the event of a war but it will be SWAC and WAC which will assume the pivotal roles.  Moreover, both the western and southwestern commands of IAF have also stepped up coordination with the different Army commands in the western theatre to synergize efforts to build "an integrated and organic'' air-land war-fighting machinery.—Agencies
‘The Army was a very boy scout line’
Novels by Indian soldiers who saw active combat in places like Kashmir are virtually zero. So Abhay Narayan Sapru’s In the Valley of Shadows is unique, writes Shana Maria Verghis. He shares stories of adventurous days when he still had his sense of humour  IMA graduate Abhay Narayan Sapru left the Army about 10 years ago, after serving most of his years in insurgency-hit areas like the North-East, in Kashmir and in Sri Lanka. “I wanted to know what combat was all about. I never looked at it as a career that needed to be grown,” remarked Sapru, on the line from Dubai, where he is currently holidaying. “As far as I was concerned, it was basically a boy’s profession and I was in it for adventure. But at some stage, one couldn’t only survive on adrenaline alone.”  Funny he should say that because Sapru was keen that readers find his first book, In the Valley of Shadows, (Wisdom Tree’s Chloropyll imprint) to be a page-turner. Which means some amount of adrenaline would have had to be involved in the process.  The book is about a group of Indian Special Forces officers, led by a Major Hariharan, pitted against battle-hardened mujahid from Pakistan, with the charismatic Sher Khan as boss. Caught between the warring factions are the local Gujjar villagers and a beautiful tribal girl. Sapru told us, and also writes in the foreward to the book, that events are “closely based on real people and real experiences.” In fact, the Sher Khan of the story who proved a formidable foe to Hariharan or ‘Harry’ was a real-life Pashtun with whom Sapru himself had often spoken to on radio. The man was later killed near the Army HQ.  Few novels have been written in the recent past by Indian defence guys or about their ops. So forget even mentioning books by those who have actually been in the line of fire. A fact that apparently prompted Sapru, who wrote several short stories before this novel was published, to take the plunge. He blames it on, “the absence of a book writing culture in the Army.”  He added a bit testily, that, “If you go to a book stall, you see some by British and Americans, who spent just a few months in a place like Afghanistan, but nothing from the Indians. Despite the fact we have done much more than them, with the Army having been involved in active combat for years.”  He went on, “Those guys keep diaries. Our men don’t seem to. So we get memoirs or books by generals, writing about technical matters. One name I can mention is Manohar Malgaonkar. He served in the British Army.” Lately, there has been books of Mukul Deva.  The Valley of Shadow is set in jihadi Kashmir, on a mountain top. The canvas of the author’s next book of stories is larger, with tales from border areas. Some are based on his personal experiences. Some go back to his father’s time. Sapru related that, “The Army allows you time to read. But maybe it’s a lack of ease with the language that prevents people from writing.” He continued, “So much has been happening in places like Kashmir, I had to capture it. Plenty is already being written about the fighting and politics.”  Instead of this, Sapru writes about things he was familiar with. Like covert ops and espirit de corps. He said, “While writing about Sher Khan, my admiration was so much, I forced myself to reign it in.” He explained, “Any soldier who fought LTTE or mujahideen shares this admiration for their indifference to death.” He went on, “But they have weaknesses too. And follies. The Pashtun I knew was not like the rank and file, but when I spoke, he would share his deep disdain for the Hindu race and how it was subjected by the Muslim rulers. So, despite his great courage and valour, his mind was that of an illiterate person, without a wide or great world view.”  Sapru has written in the foreward that he thought the foreign militants were ‘romantics and adventurers’, like he was, only to discover several did it for economic reasons, and that many were ‘malevolent, religious zealots... with a very narrow vision of life.’ Hariharan and Sher Khan in that sense share a bond of both being violent and adventurous, but Harry is the romantic Khan, a bellicose fanatic.  We couldn’t help remarking that the militant’s outlook while dangerous, was not very different, in a different situation, from that of kids with a limited imagination, posturing on a playground, about whose daddy was strongest. Sapru laughed, “The Army was a very boy scout line. In fact, I moved on, when I started to feel my sense of humour dying.” He said the Army’s stand on hardcore militants whose mission was death in the end, was very clear. “Eye for an eye.” He added, “But we had sympathy for the local fighter. You felt he was still from your country and wouldn’t have the same hatred. But to the Pakistani militants, it was ‘Show no mercy.’  He added that codes of honour fell by the wayside during conventional warfare. The villages’ role in this was often as havens, where militants would rest or get warnings. “Sometimes they would take the women from there, up to the hills.”  The Major’s men are not averse to pretty women, to lend softness to the adventure and fill the absence of those left behind. But villagers sitting on the fence also created a stalemate. Their attitude was to support whoever was the winning side so it was like saying, ‘if you have a gun, we’ll give you what you want.’ At some point, you have to stop that. “  Then musing about his Army life, he said, “Some things we did at 29 and 30 were shocking and childish too. But with maturity and deaths close-up, the humour waned. It also got difficult to communicate with the outside world, where new computers were coming out and people were living different lives. No one was interested in what you did in the hills.” He continued, “The Indian Army only recently acknowledged post-combat stress from constant combat. But I remember, once I was on leave and at a party where people were laughing over drinks and having a great time. I was thinking about my patrol and the dead. I was so angry!”  It took three years to wean himself back into civilian life. “When you are constantly ducking crackers, it becomes a habit. If bungee jumping and paragliding had been around when I was younger, I would probably have got my outdoor kick thrills there and never joined the special forces. When a bullet flies by, it’s not about patriotism but about your buddy, your battalion and yourself.” He concluded, “I was 22 when I returned from combat Sri Lanka and people were asking me inane questions like, ‘is gold cheap?’, ‘how are the girls?’ I later realised people are interested in things like life and love and not other emotions like violence or death. The sad part is, few know how many mothers and fathers are losing their sons in lands beyond law, where life is cheap.”
Army chief visits Leh
New Delhi, Apr 20 (PTI) Ahead of the Defence Secretary-level talks between India and Pakistan, Army Chief Gen V K Singh today visited the 14 Corps in Leh where he reviewed the security situation in areas under the formation, including the Siachen glacier."During the visit, the Army Chief attended the routine annual map exercise and was briefed on the operational aspects of the Corps," Army officials said here.The visit also assumes significance as the Siachen Glacier issue is likely to come up for discussion during the Indo-Pak Defence Secretary-level talks which are likely to take place in May-end.The 14 Corps looks after the Indian territories along both Pakistan and China border including the Siachen Glacier and Kargil-Drass sectors.The bone of contention in the negotiations between the two sides on the Siachen issue, however, has been the "delineation" of the 110-km Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) beyond the NJ-9842 reference point, where the Line of Control simply stopped in the 1972 Shimla Pact, up to the Karakoram Pass.India has been pressing for authenticating the AGPL, both on the map and the ground, as its troops occupy most of the dominating posts on the Saltoro Ridge, before there is troop disengagement, withdrawal and the final demilitarisation of the glacier.Army sources say demand for such an arrangement would be made to delineate the AGPL before any agreement for withdrawal of troops is reached between the two countries.Both India and Pakistan maintain a Brigade-level presence across the 6,300-metre glacier where weather conditions and icy terrain claim more lives than bullets. During the visit, the Army Chief interacted with officers and jawans at the formation and emphasised on the requirement of extensive combat training, whilst braving the hardships of weather and terrain, they added. Northern Army Commander Lt Gen K T Parnaik and 14 Corps Commander Lt Gen Ravi Dastane were also present there.PTI AJD
Commanders to debate battle readiness, security threats
New Delhi, April 20 (IANS) The security situation in India’s neighbourhood, maritime safety and piracy, terrorism and internal threats are among the issues commanders army, navy and air force commander will debate at their meetings next fortnight, informed sources said Wednesday.  The biannual meets, which will see participation from Defence Minister A.K. Antony and the security brass, will also take up for discussion, the forces’ battle readiness, war doctrines, personnel policies and welfare, and procurement plans, they said.  The army and air force commanders will meet under the chairmanship of their respective chiefs General V.K. Singh and Air Chief Marshal P.V. Naik for three days beginning April 25.  The navy commanders conference, chaired by chief Admiral Nirmal Verma, will be held in the first week of May.  The maintenance of the three services’ equipment and the force levels and structures too would form part of the discussions.  The army and the air force have seven commands each while the navy has three commands.  India also has a tri-services command headquartered in Port Blair, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, apart from a Delhi-based strategic forces command and an Integrated Defence Staff headquarters, all headed by a Lieutenant General-rank officer or equivalents from the air forces and navy.  The conference will also be attended by the three chiefs’ principal staff officers on the basis of the topic of discussion relating to their departments, the sources added.
Indian Army to Conduct Vijaya Bhava War Games in Rajasthan
2011-04-19 To practice its war-fighting concepts and doctrines, the Indian Army will hold a massive war-game codenamed 'Vijaya Bhava' along the Pakistan border in first week of May. "The Division-level (around 15,000 troops) exercise would be held in the deserts of Western Rajasthan where the elements of the elite 2 Strike Corps and other formations will take part," Army sources said.  Sources said the exercise would be held "well inside" the border where all fighting arms of the Indian Army including the artillery, armored columns including tanks and mechanized vehicles will take part.  As part of war-fighting arrangements, the Indian Army has put its three Strike Corps, which are supposed to strike and enter enemy territories in case of war, under three different commands.  The Army will evolve and practice battlefield tactics for different warfare scenarios for a conventional conflict with the adversaries. Defence Minister A K Antony will also visit the area of exercise in Rajasthan.  In the aftermath of Operation Parakram in 2001, the Indian Army has evolved a doctrine which calls for a rapid and quite mobilization of troops to the fronts from hinterland and continuous efforts have been made to cut the time taken for movement of formations.

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