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Saturday, 9 November 2013

From Today's Papers - 09 Nov 2013

PM’s 7 rules of engagement with China

New Delhi, November 8
Visualising "unlimited possibilities" for closer cooperation between India and China, Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh today outlined seven "practical principles" of engagement involving mutual respect and sensitivity while maintaining peace and tranquility on the border.

Interacting with a group of youth from China at his residence, Singh said the two countries share a common destiny and that "their strategic consultation and cooperation will enhance peace, stability and security in our region and beyond".

"I believe that our two countries not only share a common destiny but that we have unlimited possibilities for closer cooperation," he told the members of the delegation.

"Let me, therefore, outline seven practical principles of engagement that I believe will set India and China on this course," he said.

Enlisting these principles, he said "we should reaffirm an unwavering commitment to the principles of Panchsheel and conduct our relationship in a spirit of mutual respect, sensitivity to each other's interests and sovereignty, and mutual and equal security". He said maintaining peace and tranquility in India-China border areas had been the cornerstone of the bilateral relations.

"We should increase consultations and cooperation on complex issues such as trans-border rivers and our trade imbalance so as to strengthen our strategic and cooperative partnership," the Prime Minister said.

Noting that India and China are the largest countries in Asia, he said: "Our strategic consultation and cooperation will enhance peace, stability and security in our region and beyond." The two countries should harness the full potential of cooperation in all aspects of relationship, including in the economic area, Singh said.

He also emphasised the role of people-to-people contact, saying "we will achieve much greater success in our relations by increasing contacts and familiarity between our people in every walk of life". — PTI

Doctor’s prescription

* Reaffirm commitment to the principles of Panchsheel

* Conduct relationship in a spirit of mutual respect; exibit sensitivity to each other's interests, sovereignty and security

* Increase cooperation on complex issues such as trans-border rivers and trade imbalance

* Focus on strategic consultation; and cooperation in all aspects of relationship, including economic

* Strive for better people-to-people contact
Militants kill 2 BSF men on B’desh border
Tribune News Service
Guwahati, November 8
Suspected militants belonging to the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) killed two BSF men on the Indo-Bangladesh border in Meghalaya before snatching away their weapons.

The two constables of the BSF’s 73rd battalion were on duty at an observation post, about 2 km from the Kathakona border outpost (BOP) near Borsora coal mine in South West Khasi Hills district.

“A group of militants attacked them. One jawan died on the spot, while another succumbed while being taken to Guwahati Medical College and Hospital,” BSF DIG, C L Belwa, said here. The militants took away the INSAS rifles of the jawans. The slain jawans were identified as Sushil Biswas and Papu Kumar Yadav.

The attack came two days after five Meghalaya Police personnel were killed in an ambush in neighbouring South Garo Hills district. Earlier today, the BSF foiled an infiltration bid and recovered huge cache of arms and ammunition from the Bangladesh border in South Garo Hills of Meghalaya.
Pakistan mole in Indian agencies ‘helped terrorists’

New Delhi, November 8
A Pakistani mole in the Indian security agencies codenamed “Honey Bee” had helped espionage agency Inter-Services Intelligence handlers in identifying the landing site for 26/11 terrorists in Mumbai, claims a book by two British journalists.

The information on Badhwar Park, the landing site, was shared by ISI operatives with Pakistani-American Lashkar operative David Headley who had checked it out while conducting recce of the area, it says.

The book, “The Siege”, by Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark claims that when Headley was subjected to undergo a two-year course on surveillance and counter-intelligence by the ISI, his handler, Major Iqbal of the ISI, gave him what he described as classified Indian files that he said had been obtained from within the Indian police and the Army, which revealed their training and limitations. — PTI
 Fauji nicknames
by Col P.S. Sangha (retd)

Tom, what time is your sortie?” I am scheduled for 1030 hrs along with Robert' This conversation would probably be situated in England or some other English-speaking country like Australia or New Zealand. Actually, this was happening in the Bagdogra air base located in North Bengal.

So were these guys Anglo Indians or Christians? In reality they were both Sikh Army aviators. ‘Tom’ was the nick name of Malkiat Singh and ‘Robert’ was the nick name of Rajinder Pal Singh. Similarily, Subhash was called ‘Harry’ and Ashok was called ‘Droopy’.

Almost everyone in the Squadron had a nickname which had no connection to their actual name. So, what was the methodology followed while coining these names which all had a Western tenor to them?

Well, in some cases the name came up because of the person’s behaviour, habits or appearance. PS Ghuha, who liked to put on his sun glasses in the office or crew room and had perfected the art of disappearing from the work place at the crucial moment, earned the nick name of ‘Phantom’ (the ghost who walks).

There was M S Dattawho , though thin and lanky, liked to stand in front of mirrors flexing his muscles, earned the name ‘Flash Gordon’. Ashok was called 'Droopy' because he was said to nod off while flying. Subhash was blessed with a very hairy body. So he was given the nick name of ‘Hairy’ which, on his request, was changed to ‘Harry’.

Malkiat Singh Dullat was called ‘Dulli’ during his flying course. From there it got changed to ‘Tom Dooly’ (Remember the song?) and finally only ‘Tom’ remained. That is the name he goes by even today some 45 years later. R P Singh, God bless his soul, cut his hair in 1972 and became a modified Sardar. So, he was given the name of ‘Robert Singh’ in line with his changed status. There was Khushwant Singh who had a long bushy beard. So he was affectionately called ‘Khush the Bush’. There were so many other such nick names in the other Squadrons at our base.

Other than this almost everyone in the Services has a nickname which is a shortened version of his last name. So, a Chowdhry will become a ‘Chow’, Garewal will always be ‘Gary’, Sandhu will be ‘Sandy’, Aggarwal will be ‘Aggy’, Natrajan will be ‘Nat’and so on.

After leaving the Army I worked as a pilot with a number of corporate houses. I found the situation very different there. No nicknames! Almost all seniors get the addition of ‘Jee’ to their names. So Gupta is ‘Guptajee’, Sahu is ‘Sahujee’, Sharma is ‘Sharmajee’ and so on and so forth.

The juniors are just called by their name. It makes you think as to why things are so different in the military and the civil world. I would attribute it to the tremendous sense of comradeship and the fun factor that exists in the armed forces. Since you cannot call Garewal as ‘Garewaljee’, ‘Gary’ seems a better proposition. The civil sector in India is more formal and as such nicknames are a no-no. As far as the forces are concerned nicknames are great fun and handy tools. They stay with you for all your life.

Oh, I forgot to tell you my nickname. It is ‘Bully’, rather inappropriate for a peaceful guy like me! But since it is all fun and games, I gladly accept it.
VK Singh drags PMO in age, other rows

New Delhi, November 8
Former Army Chief General VK Singh, whose last days in office was marred by a legal battle with the government in the Supreme Court, has sought to drag the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) over his age row and the Tatra truck scandal saying a senior bureaucrat there was "orchestrating" the issues. He has claimed in his just-released autobiography 'Courage and convictions' that the media appeared to be wanting him out of office after the second hearing in the age case that came as a "big blow".

But he continued as Army Chief after he met the then President Pratibha Patil who told him to "carry on with the work you are doing", the General says without taking any names of those he was attacking. On the controversy relating to the Tatra truck deal he says the name of a PMO official was "cropping up regularly" and his relatives had been given plots in the BEML complex, the PSU assembling Tatra trucks in India. "There was little doubt that a very senior bureaucrat in the PMO had been orchestrating the entire age issue. Ever since I blocked the Tatra files, the name of the person had been cropping up regularly. — PTI

Nehru had paranoia of military coup

Since independence, the top political leadership in the country has been haunted by the possibility of a military takeover. It is no secret that people around Nehru exploited his paranoia of a military coup and started chipping away at the Army in an evolving civil-military relationship.
— General VK Singh in his new book

Ex-Prez denies his claim on quitting

Nashik: Contradicting his claim, former President Pratibha Patil on Friday denied that she had advised the then Army Chief General VK Singh not to resign over the age controversy. She said she had told him that it was for him to decide whether to quit or not. "....whether to resign or not, it is your decision," she had told General Singh when he met her after the second Supreme Court hearing in his dispute over age with the government that came as a "big blow".
Indian army cadet describes Prince Charles as the ‘Prince of Whales’
New Delhi - The heir to Britain’s throne has long championed endangered species. So he may have been secretly pleased yesterday (Thursday) when an Indian cavalry cadet described him as the “Prince of Whales”.

Nor did the Duchess of Cornwall escape: she became Camela Parker Powel on Gentleman Cadet Anant Rajpurohit’s social network posting.

The royal couple watched him perform a “triple tent pegging” display during a visit to India’s equivalent of Sandhurst.

Cadet Rajpurohit, 21, charged a line of targets with a lance in one hand, a sword and the reins of his horse in the other and a bayonet between his teeth.

Surrounded by turbaned army chiefs at the Indian Military Academy in Dehradun, northern India, on the second day of their tour, the Duchess asked, “How long did it take you to learn that?” and told him: “You’re a natural.”

Tent-pegging, a traditional half-time entertainment at polo matches on the subcontinent, is said to have originated with the Maharajas whose cavalry would cut down enemy tents at night before killing the trapped soldiers.

Cadet Rajpurohit shared his excitement in a misspelt posting. “Performing Trick Riding & Jumping display for Prince Charles (Prince of whales) & Camela Parker Powel……:):),” he wrote.

The Prince of Wales later underlined his environmental credentials when he spoke to India’s Forest Research Institute. “Mahatma Gandhi, whose wisdom and vision continue to have such a bearing on all our lives, and who has had a great influence on my own thinking, once said: ‘ What we are doing to the forests of the world is but a mirror reflection of what we are doing to ourselves and to one another.’

“How right he was,” the Prince said.
Army’s renewed resolve!
riday, November 08, 2013 - Military exercises are simulated operations conducted under realistic scenarios to validate fresh concepts, strategy and weapon systems. Pakistan Army, operating in an environment of tension, conflict and hostile neighbourhood is constrained to conceive and review war plans to meet various contingencies, hone the skills of its personnel and test their mettle to face the myriad challenges.

The Pakistan army has conducted numerous military exercises since its independence, to meet various threats. Notable among them is “Zarb-e-Momin” of 1989 which had war-gamed’, field tested and validated the then fresh concept of an “offensive-defence” strategy; a sequel to Indian Army Chief General Sunderjee’s highly ambitious “Operation Brasstacks”.

“Azm-e-Nau” (fresh resolve) is a series of exercises, launched in 2009 and evolved to envisage the whole range of threats facing Pakistan, including the terror attacks by non-state actors and Indian Army’s Cold Start Doctrine. Anti-terror operations added a new dimension to Pakistan Army’s arsenal of combat mechanism, compelling the defence planners to evolve fresh tactics and strategy to battle the faceless enemy, that dons suicide jackets, mingles with the population, targets mosques, hospitals and education centers, maiming and killing women, children and the elderly. This new dimension to the threat was far removed from the set piece battles; the Army has been conventionally planning and participating in. It goes to its credit that despite having limited experience in this new dimension of war, anti-terror operations being fought by the Pakistan Army through its blood, sweat and guts find few parallels in either modern or ancient warfare.

India’s Pakistan-specific “Cold Start Doctrine” is a different cup of cake. Handicapped by its lethargic deployment, when India wanted to strike Pakistan in the aftermath of the December 13, 2001 attack on its parliament, holding its western neighbour responsible for the assault, Pakistan’s rapid counter-mobilization forced a stalemate. Taking a leaf from German General Heinz Guderian’s “Blitzkrieg”, India envisages that keeping holding forces ready for instant operations; it will be able to strike a telling blow on Pakistan through conventional weapons, forcing it to capitulate even before nuclear weapons can be launched. Indian Armed Forces have conducted scores of military exercises to operationalize “Cold Start”, and are now indulging in intimidation and jingoistic threats, evident from their recent across LOC misadventures.

The previous major exercise of the Azm-e-Nau series was its third, played out in 2010, dovetailed with PAF’s Exercise “High Mark-2010”, where joint operations, as envisaged by Pakistan’s defence planners were put to test. A unique attribute of the exercise has been optimizing the technological developments and advancement in intelligence gathering, surveillance and reconnaissance communication and revolutionizing modern warfare, making early warning an essential feature of postmodern operational concepts. All these aspects were not only optimally leveraged in the field exercise, but heavily relied upon and tested to the core. The integrated maneuver and fire power demonstration on November 4, 2013, at the Army Firing Range of Khairpur Tamewali, northwest of Bahawalpur in the Cholistan Desert was the culmination of the Azm-e-Nau-4 and a conclusion of the series. It was a visual and graphic manifestation of the new concepts evolved and physical demonstration of countering the Cold Start Strategy. In the elaborate display, witnessed by the Prime Minister, Members of the Parliament, Services Chiefs, Defence Attachés accredited to Islamabad and the media, an operational milieu was simulated and created to provide a realistic presentation of the military prowess. It was heartening to witness the offensive as well as defensive capabilities of the Pakistan Army operating in synergy with the air power based on Pakistan Air Force and Army’s air arm demonstrating their precision, lethality and annihilating capabilities to achieve the desired effects.

The Prime Minister, in his speech, while congratulating the rank and file of Pakistan Army for their dedication, hard work, sacrifices and professionalism, expressed his government’s resolve to end the bloodshed and violence (through terror attacks) by bringing the political parties, military, and civil society on the same page.

Mian Nawaz Sharif also reiterated that Pakistan Army has always stood by the people of Pakistan in thick and thin. Be it natural calamities like floods and earthquakes, maintaining law & order, imparting training to our law enforcement agencies, Army has always come in aid of the civilian government. This passion of being in the forefront is something that we as a nation are very proud of.

On the heels of the culmination of Azm-e-Nau, Pakistan on successfully test-fired a short range surface-to-surface missile Hatf IX (NASR). The test was conducted with successive launches of four salvo missiles from a state-of-the-art multi tube launcher.

“NASR, with a range of 60 kilometers and in-flight maneuver capability is a quick response system, with shoot and scoot attributes. According to the ISPR, it contributes to the full spectrum deterrence against threats in view of evolving scenarios. The army chief along with senior defence and military officials, scientists and engineers witnessed the test. General Kayani, according to the statement, congratulated the scientists and engineers on this “outstanding achievement, which consolidates Pakistan’s deterrence capability.”

Azm-e-Nau is perhaps the swansong of General Kayani, who has enhanced the professional capabilities of Pakistan Army through rigorous training, motivation and personal example. He is certainly leaving the Army in a far better shape in terms of proficiency, skill and professional acumen than he had received it from his predecessor. Having withdrawn the Army from its deployment in civilian organizations and curtailing its involvement in the political melee, has paid rich dividends.

It is befitting that Pakistan’s military strategy is now based on credible minimum deterrence, which was visibly demonstrated during the integrated fire power display. Pakistan Army’s leadership can take pride in the fact that this fighting force, despite all the sacrifices, trials and tribulations, is now in the highest state of preparedness encompassing optimized set of military capabilities, which remain its cornerstone and amply showcase its renewed resolve to meet the challenges head-on.
Govt braces for VK book
New Delhi, Nov. 7: A book by V.K. Singh, to be published tomorrow, has ministers and bureaucrats preparing for yet another round of fireworks with the controversial former army chief who had challenged the Centre in court.

The retired general is understood to have insinuated that an arms lobby conspired with those in high political office, bureaucrats and one of his predecessors to manufacture the controversy over his date of birth.

He has alleged this was done to shorten his tenure and elevate his successor, current army chief General Bikram Singh, to the office.

Two branches of army headquarters had different dates of birth — May 10, 1951, and May 10, 1950 — for V.K. Singh. He insisted he was born in 1951 and, as army chief, dragged the government to court. But the Supreme Court asked him to withdraw the petition, pointing out that he had accepted 1950 as the year of his birth and risen to the highest rank on the basis of the same.

Courage and Conviction, likely to be available from tomorrow, “provides insights into the inner workings of the army at various levels and its equation with the political establishment and the bureaucracy,” the publisher, Aleph Book Company, said in a press release today.

The former army chief made himself unavailable for comments citing contractual obligations. His co-author is filmmaker Kunal Verma.

In the army and in the defence establishment, there are many who are convinced that V.K. Singh would portray himself as a victim targeted by those who were tainted by his investigations into scams such as the Sukhna land allotment.

He has been known to be critical of former chiefs — J.J. Singh and Deepak Kapoor. V.K. Singh’s acolytes also allege that J.J. Singh and people higher up in the government engineered the controversy over his date of birth.

“As outspoken and candid as its author has been throughout his career, General Singh’s autobiography is a revealing, compelling and occasionally controversial account of the Indian Army as well as the story of a straight-talking officer who was never afraid to stand by his convictions,” the publisher promised.

The former chief is also understood to have dwelt at length on why he opposed a move within the government to deploy the army against Maoist insurgents. He has also written about his experience in the 1971 war into which he was drawn immediately after being commissioned into service.
Two CRPF men shot in Pulwama
Tribune News Service

Srinagar/Anantnag, November 7
Two Central Reserve Police Force men were killed when suspected militants opened fire on a road opening team in the Awantipora area of South Kashmir’s Pulwama district, along the Srinagar-Jammu National Highway, this evening.

The shooting took place barely six hours after Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi inaugurated a cold storage at Lassipora in the district.

Police reports said the suspected militants fired upon the team of 130th Battalion of the Paramilitary CRPF in the Jawbara area of Awantipora, 30 km from the summer capital. “The shooting took place around 5.30 pm,” said a senior police officer from the area.

He said the militants fired with automatic weapons from a narrow alley adjacent to the national highway as the CRPF team was returning.

Two jawans were critically wounded and were shifted to the hospital where the doctors declared them brought dead, said Nalin Prabhat, Inspector General of the CRPF. “The other jawans opened retaliatory fire,” the officer said.

A man claiming to be Hizbul Mujahideen operation spokesperson called up a Srinagar-based news agency and claimed responsibility for the attack. Earlier, another group had owned up the killings.
 Nehru was not keen on sending Army to Kashmir, says Advani
Tribune News Service

New Delhi, November 7
Continuing with his attack on former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, BJP veteran leader LK Advani today said Nehru was reluctant to send the army to Kashmir in 1948 even as Pakistani troops approached but Home Minister Sardar Patel prevailed over him.

LK Advani had earlier claimed that Jawaharlal Nehru had called Patel a “total communalist”.

Quoting from an interview of Sam Manekshaw (then a Colonel) by senior journalist Prem Shankar Jha, Advani said in his latest blog that as the tribesmen - supported by Pakistani forces - moved closer to Srinagar, a decision had to be taken on moving Indian forces there.

But Nehru appeared reluctant and felt the issue should be taken to the UN. Referring to Manekshaw’s claim in the interview, Advani said Lord Mountbatten convened a Cabinet meeting soon after Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession. This was attended by Nehru, Patel and Defence Minister Baldev Singh.

Manekshaw presented the “military situation” and suggested the Indian forces be moved there. “As usual, Nehru talked about the United Nations, Russia, Africa, God almighty, everybody, until Sardar Patel lost his temper. He said, “Jawaharlal, do you want Kashmir, or do you want to give it away. Nehru said ‘of course, I want Kashmir’. Then he (Patel) said, ‘Please give your orders’. And before he could say anything, Sardar Patel turned to me and said, ‘You have got your orders’,” Advani said, quoting Manekshaw from the interview to Jha.

“This report, involving Manekshaw and Prem Shankar Jha, provides a clinching confirmation of the difference between Nehru and Patel over the Hyderabad action,” Advani said.

Last week, Advani had written a blog quoting from the memoirs of MKK Nair, a 1947-batch IAS officer, to say that Nehru had called Patel a “total communalist” when the latter said at a Cabinet meeting that “police action” will have to be taken against Hyderabad as it was trying to join Pakistan.

What the blog said

    Sam Manekshaw (then a Colonel) told journalist Prem Shankar Jha that as the tribesmen moved closer to Srinagar, a decision had to be taken on moving Indian forces there
    But Nehru appeared reluctant and felt the issue should be taken to the UN
    Home Minister Sardar Patel intervened and ordered sending of troops to Kashmir
 Charles, Camilla meet IMA gentlemen cadets
Tribune News Service

Dehradun, November 7
Prince Charles of Wales and Duchess of Cornwall Camilla Parker Bowles today visited the Indian Military Academy (IMA), established by the British in 1932 and counted among the premier military training institutions of the world.

The British royal couple reached Dehradun on their maiden one-day visit amid tight security on Thursday morning.

The Prince and the Duchess were accorded a guard of honour and were taken around the IMA complex where Prince Charles took special interest in the training module of the gentlemen cadets while Duchess Camilla admired the equestrian wing.

The royal couple was also taken to the Vikram Batra mess where the Prince interacted with the gentlemen cadets of IMA as well as Rashtriya Indian Military College (RIMC), another military training school set up by the British in 1922.

Earlier, IMA Commandant Lt Gen Manvendra Singh, while welcoming Prince Charles, said that his visit would strengthen the historic bonds between the two nations that also shared high military values.

Prince Charles was presented with photos of the IMA and RIMC as well as a silver plaque and a memento. The Prince presented the IMA Commandant with a sword. Ranjana Singh, the first lady of the IMA, and several senior IMA officials were present on the occasion.

Meanwhile, Prince Charles has welcomed India’s concern over issues of forestry and environment. Addressing a gathering of students and staff at the convocation hall of the Forest Research Institute (FRI) here today, Prince Charles took notice of works being done by the country on the ecology front.

He welcomed India’s concern in this regard and efforts towards nature conservation. He said that in India, forest dwellers and forests lived in harmony.

In his 10-minute address, Charles highlighted the issues of sustainability and key environmental challenges facing the world.
 Missing wood for trees
Focus on the larger picture in Kashmir
by Lt Gen (retd) Syed Ata Hasnain

The Indian public and the media have taken an unusually intense interest in the incidents along the LoC in Kashmir. Much of this interest seems to arise from emotions and salability rather than informed knowledge of the ground situation. There is a certain romantic aura linked to the LoC - the known unknown about which everyone likes to comment. After all, on the LoC there is blood and gore, shelling and shooting and everything macho, something missing in everyday mundane life in our cities except on roads and in films. Media commentaries rarely analyse the linkage of these incidents with the internal dynamics of Kashmir. The Indian Army tries to be neutral by refusing to comment or join issue with the media and is reluctant to be transparent on its actions at the LoC or within Kashmir, and there are reasons for it which can be well appreciated.

Let us recall the facts. Kashmir's strategic environment arises from proxy support to terrorism by Pakistan's inter-related entities -- the Pakistan Army, separatists, the ISI (as distinct from the Army) and terrorists. The aims of India and of Pakistan collide at the LoC. For Pakistan the aim is to wrest Kashmir from India through the continuation of turbulence in any form, keeping the people enthused and motivated for separatism, not necessarily pro-Pakistan, as also for drawing the attention of the international community.

For India it is thus far an unstated aim: integrating Kashmir with the rest of India, politically, socially, economically and psychologically. To ensure the achievement of our aim and the defeat of Pakistan's aim, there are four distinct areas of concern. First, it is the LoC, which must remain stable without leaking any infiltration so that terrorist numbers in the hinterland remain within a given threshold. Secondly, the resident terrorists have to be marginalised to allow the writ of the state and the people to run. Thirdly, the ideologues and the radicals have to be neutralised to prevent them from spreading their wares and creating triggers to keep separatism alive while placing the security forces on the back foot. Lastly, and most importantly, it is the people of Kashmir who need to be empowered with enhanced dignity to start taking pride in being Indians.

Noticeably, only the first of the above factors alludes to the LoC which has excited the Indian public and the media so much. The rest is all about the internal battle, not necessarily in the physical domain but more in the attitudinal and psychological. It is this which will contribute to the final victory but it is all in the realm of the unromantic where battles of the hearts and the minds have to be fought. This excites very few and in fact only those who realise that the war is almost over; it is the peace which has to be won, a task always more difficult than the war itself. For Pakistan it is necessary to upset the apple cart of Indian success if Kashmir has to be relevant in the international domain.

It would be a commentary on their maturity if the Indian media and the public are more excited by the prospects of the final victory, debate the efforts which need to be put in, assist in building public opinion to back the security forces and political initiatives and counter Pakistan's well-nuanced propaganda. The Army is well in control of the LoC, notwithstanding some negative incidents which it knows how to convert to the positive. It needs no nitpicking and no non-professional advice being the only entity which truly knows what the LoC is all about.

It needs the entire intellectual and physical backing in the internal domain where it continues to perform the difficult task of integration. The experiment of 2011-12 was a fresh approach towards the people of Kashmir, a changed force ethos, high-profile social initiatives and integration between the security forces across task boundaries which all added up to the success story; this needs revival. It cannot happen if the professional and nationalistic intentions of the Army are viewed with suspicion and its assistance to the state government in the social field is considered as politicisation.

The unfortunate and completely untrue allegations against the political set-up of Kashmir are only assisting in widening the cleavage among all stakeholders. Pakistan is hastening this by taking away the attention from the peace-building efforts in the hinterland by refocusing us all towards the LoC. Surely, the Indian state has the ability to see through this and ensure that it is not ensnared; and the Indian media and the public have the maturity to view the larger picture where they appear to be missing the woods for the trees.

The Army once again needs to get into the saddle and provide the much-needed direction to support the state leadership. Very little has been lost. Any further hesitation of getting right back there is likely to result in losing the initiative and thus the battle. What must this involve?

Although this needs a separate and detailed answer, the initiation is done here. First, a completely new and baggage-free examination of the tasks of each stakeholder needs to be initiated. Secondly, a renewed and continuous vigour on the part of New Delhi in coordination with Srinagar is necessary. Thirdly, freedom for the Army on the LoC, and more importantly, to take on the stabilisation of the hinterland; this must be accompanied by a campaign to restore the pride and dignity of the people of Jammu and Kashmir and an addressing of the youth to de-radicalise them.

The de-radicalisation model adopted by Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia, recently discussed at a seminar in Singapore, needs a serious look. "Sadbhavana", the Army's hearts and minds programme, needs to be given its primacy without attaching labels after the recent controversy of its funding. For 15 years it has been the Army's flagship for outreach and has achieved much. However, to move to the next level of achievement "Sadbhavana" has to be taken well beyond with attitudinal change and emotional outreach. A repeat of the success of 2011 is necessary to show the way and cement the final integration.
India needs a progressive strategic culture
As India continues to modernise its armed forces, it needs to build its own capabilities in cutting edge military technologies since it remains heavily import dependent. It needs to give attention to shaping its strategic thinking.
Dinesh Kumar
For over a decade now, India has been engaged in a major defence modernisation programme. India has inducted new capabilities that have considerably enhanced the military’s reach, endurance and firepower. For example, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has acquired Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS), which is a powerful eye high in the sky that has given the dual capability of detecting and identifying enemy aircraft well in advance and at the same time coordinating strike missions. The IAF has inducted mid-air refuelling aircraft which has enabled fighter aircraft to travel longer distances than ever before. In a few years from now, the Navy hopes to take possession of the first ever indigenously built nuclear powered submarine (INS Arihant), a formidable stealth weapon system that can remain undetected underwater for weeks on end and strike the enemy with conventional or nuclear missiles. In less than ten days, India will be taking delivery of a 44,500 tonne aircraft carrier from Russia (Admiral Gorshkov rechristened INS Vikramaditya) which will be equipped with the newly inducted naval variant of the MiG-29 fighter, also imported from Russia.

India has signed contracts for purchase of advance conventional submarines (Scorpene) from France; is in the process of negotiating purchase of multi-role combat aircraft (Rafale) also from France; has inducted both maritime reconnaissance-cum-strike aircraft (P-8I) and heavy lift transport aircraft (C-17 and C 130J Hercules) from the US; Unmanned Aerial Aircraft or UAVs in addition to numerous surveillance equipment, sensors and electronic warfare systems from Israel; more long range Sukhoi-30 MKI multi-role aircraft from Russia, T-90 main battle tanks, an Akula class nuclear powered submarine on lease, joint production of land, air and sea version of the BrahMos cruise missile along with an agreement to jointly produce a fifth generation strike aircraft among other defence ventures with that country.

The above is a listing of just a few deals and agreements. For, the list of weapons and weapon systems either inducted or still in the pipeline is long and enormous and is valued at between a staggering $50 billion and $100 billion. For some years now, India has been figuring among the world’s topmost arms importers, a trend that is likely to continue for some years yet considering that India’s military modernisation has been sorely lagging owing to a range of reasons starting with the resource crunch and disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s which was both preceded by and followed by procedural irregularities and allegations of bribes related to defence procurement.

On every Republic Day India showcases its armed forces, the world’s fourth largest, with some of its newly acquired arms with much fanfare to the delight and awe of the public thus giving the impression that India is a powerful military nation. Such an assumption necessitates two questions: (a) to what extent has India developed its military capability and, more importantly, (b) does India have the will and strategic thinking needed to go with its military power in the making?

As for capability, the stark reality is that India is almost entirely an import-dependent military power which after over six decades of Independence does not have a significant armament industry of its own. This, as the Ministry of Defence (MoD) admits, ‘can land the country and the armed forces in deep trouble in crucial times’. India has eight state-owned defence public sector units, 39 ordnance factories and a gigantic defence research and development organisation (DRDO) with 50 government owned research and development laborataries all of which combine to make tall claims. Their claims comprise making fighter aircraft, T-72 and T-90 tanks; helicopters, a light combat aircraft or LCA named Tejas with plans to make its naval variant; an advance light helicopter (ALH), a main battle tank named Arjun; and small arms known as the Indian Small Arms Systems (INSAS)……the list is just as endless as it is supposedly impressive.

Most regrettably, India does not make aircraft; it only assembles or, at best, license produce them. The LCA, conceived 30 years ago in 1983, has an engine and flight control system from the US and even then is still some years from induction. The ALH has been inducted but with a foreign made engine. The Arjun tank, conceived 39 years ago in 1974, is largely confined to being paraded down Rajpath in New Delhi every Republic Day with only a few dozen forming part of the Army’s armoured fleet. India is unable to make an engine for a tank let alone a helicopter and a fighter aircraft, which undoubtedly is a difficult technology available only to a few countries. The INSAS automatic rifle has been handed over to central police organisations such as the CRPF and the BSF after the Army, which has inducted a limited number, has largely found them to be unsuitable and been forced to turn to foreign vendors for rifles. India’s success, however, lies in building warships (but with imported electronic warfare and weapon systems) and missiles. But the missile systems that have been inducted can only cover a little beyond Pakistan and, is as yet, nowhere near targeting the Chinese military-industrial complex or key cities such as Beijing and Shanghai located at some 5,000 km distance. While also being a major importer of weapons, China is also a major exporter of armaments. India, in contrast, has virtually nothing to export. There are several fundamental flaws in India’s indigenous capability which range from the structural to the functional. But one severe deficiency, as the MoD admits, is the country’s lack in capability in ‘strategic technologies’.

For some years now, there has been some debate on whether or not India has a strategic culture and strategic thinking, and, if so, what is that strategic culture and thinking. The question has relevance since it gives both an insight into a country’s will and intentions, which in turn is important given India’s geographical size and location, geopolitical ambitions, military strength and the increasing interest India’s defence imports and modernisation has generated in the country’s neighbourhood and beyond.

Many commentators, mostly Indian, tend to be dismissive of India’s strategic culture arguing that it does not have one while some cite Kautaliya’s Arthashastra as the holy bible of Indian strategic thought.

India does have a strategic culture, which, however, is still evolving considering that India as a modern and post-Westphalian nation-state in its current form is only 66 years old after having been under colonial rule for almost two centuries with a long history of being an advanced civilisation with a complex society structure. What is of import is the pace and quality of our learning curve; the direction that this strategic thinking is taking – whether traditional or pragmatic; and the factors, both internal and external, that are determining this strategic culture

Not surprisingly, much of the country’s strategic culture, defined broadly by as ‘a set of shared beliefs, assumptions and modes of behaviour derived from common experiences and accepted narratives that shape collective identity and relationships and which go on to determine the ends and means for achieving security objectives’, has been steeped in history and pre-conceived notions. Two examples should suffice. One, as George Tanham states in a landmark article published in 1992, Indians have a nonlinear view of time with no past and no future wherein life is a series of cycles in a continuous present. This in modern times is exemplified by the DRDO which is plagued by time and cost overruns that keep getting overlooked. Two, we believe that we have a rightful place as a geopolitical power based on the firmly held belief that India’s status is considered by us as a given just as it is in a caste based society.

India’s post-Independence history has shown an interesting contradiction: that it can be just as bold and brash as it can be passive, slow, reactive and hesitant. Soon after Independence, New Delhi sent the Army to Jammu and Kashmir to fight Pakistani invaders and did force posturing against the Nawab of Junagadh and a ‘Police Action’ against the Nizam of Hyderabad and his forces to get them to accede to India. In 1961, the armed forces were sent to fight Portuguese colonial forces to wrest control of Goa. In 1971, India dismembered Pakistan by assisting in converting East Pakistan into an independent and sovereign Bangladesh. In 1984, Indira Gandhi sent the Army to wrest control of the Saltoro Ridge ahead of the Siachen glacier and then two months later sent the Army into the Golden Temple to flush out Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his armed militia. In 1987, Rajiv Gandhi sent the Army to Sri Lanka for two-and-a-half years from 1987 to 1989 to fight the LTTE after first having trained them. And finally in 1998, India conducted nuclear tests and declared itself to be a nuclear weapon state.

But then India, with hindsight, has made some major strategic errors – approached the United Nations in 1947-48 following Pakistani sponsored invasion of Jammu and Kashmir and agreed to stop the war mid-way without wresting complete control of the state; returned the Haji Pir Pass (since 1990 a major infiltration route by terrorists into J&K) as part of the January 1966 Tashkent Agreement even though that Pass had been taken by the Indian Army prior to the start of the war with Pakistan in September 1965; failed to settle the Kashmir problem with Pakistan during negotiations leading up to the signing of the Simla Agreement after having earlier accorded Pakistan a stunning defeat during the 1971 Bangladesh war; expended precious lives of Army soldiers while sullying the nation and the Army’s image by sending in the latter to fight the LTTE after having first supported them; buckled to secessionists in the Kashmir Valley by releasing terrorists in December 1989; and by continuing to follow a policy of a thousand bandages in response to Pakistan using terror and proxy war as a means of ‘continuing policy by other means’. These are but a few examples.

India’s feudal and dynasty politics, the lack of inner party democracy in almost all political parties, a frightfully fractured polity and vote bank politics along sectarian lines such as caste, religion, class and ethnicity, the lack of the proverbial Clausewitzian overlap between the government and the military, the supremacy of a generalist bureaucracy in almost all spheres of government functioning, the lack of knowledge and interest in defence strategy among the political executive, inter-service rivalry, turf wars, and more will continue to come in the way of India attaining great power status. These negative factors are more likely to shape and influence India’s strategic thinking and strategic culture in the years ahead.

Will India become a tiger to be taken seriously or will it remain a lumbering elephant that cannot quite get its act together is a question for the present and future generation of leaders and thinkers to ponder over and decide.
Chinese Station Spying on Indian Defense Planes in Ladakh
In the latest development along the tense, disputed Line of Actual Control between the Ladakh region in India and the People’s Republic of China, China has built a station Indian officials believe will be used to monitor flights in and out of an Indian airstrip high up in the Himalayas.

According to the Press Trust of India (PTI), Indian technical experts have been closely monitoring the structure, which until recently didn’t exist on the Chinese side of the border. Experts believe it could be a radar station, although no signal has been emitted or received till date.

During recent border meetings between China and India, the Chinese delegation claimed the structure was a weather station, according to media reports. The Indian side speculated as to why a weather station would be needed in an area that has no civilian population.

In August this year, the Indian Air Force landed a C-130J Super Hercules transport plane in the Daulat Beg Oldi sector, which has a military base and is near the northernmost tip of Ladakh, hard by the PRC border.

Successfully landing the transport plane on the highest airstrip in the world at 16,641 feet enables the Indian forces to bring in troops and supplies by air to this remote area with harsh conditions much of the year. The PTI report said that the Chinese side expedited its work on the station after this historic, high-altitude landing.

The airfield, also used in the 1965 war with Pakistan, was reactivated by the Indian Air Force after 43 years in 2008, with the landing of an Antonov-32 aircraft.

On Oct. 23, during Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s visit to China, the two Asian giants have signed the much awaited Border Defense Cooperation Agreement. Article VI of the agreement says that the two sides would not follow or tail patrols of the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the line of actual control in the India-China border areas.

On October 24, Singh said in his speech at the Central Party School in Beijing that maintaining peace and tranquility in the India-China border areas is the cornerstone of their bilateral relations. “It is essential for mutual confidence and for the expansion of our relations. We should do nothing to disturb that,” he said.

In April this year, about 50 Chinese soldiers crossed 19 kilometers (approximately 12 miles) across the Line of Actual Control into Indian territory, setting up a remote camp near the Indian position at Daulat Beg Oldi. On May 6, to end a 21 day-long stand-off, both sides agreed to pull their forces back to positions held before the confrontation.
Duchess sees Indian army display
 The Duchess of Cornwall marvelled at a display of precision riding reminiscent of a bygone age when she visited an Indian military academy.

Racing across a field at a gallop, riders used lances, swords and bayonets to spear targets on the ground, to Camilla's delight.

The exhibition of horsemanship was made by trainee officers - known as gentlemen cadets - from the prestigious Indian Military Academy in Dehradun.

The Prince of Wales and Camilla toured the training centre where future officers undergo rigorous schooling to prepare them for life in the forces.

Founded in 1932 it is the equivalent of the UK's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, with around 1,700 cadets being trained at any one time at the base, set in acres of manicured grounds.

The duchess was impressed by Anant Rajpurohid, 21, who showed off his riding skills in an activity called tent pegging.

He used a lance to spear a foam target, then dropped it to grab a sword stuck in the ground which he used to stab another peg before picking up a bayonet to hit a final target.

At the end of the display Camilla asked him: "How long did it take you to learn that? You're a natural."
The duchess, who wore a knitted poppy on the shoulder of her outfit, also saw displays of show jumping and polo, but when she met some of the academy's many horses she had a sweet treat in store for them, giving the animals large brown lumps of sugar cane as she talked to their riders.
 The duchess handed out the lumps from a tray carried by one of the military staff.

In another part of the training centre Charles was shown some of the Indian army's most unusual recruits - mules - and latest techniques in warfare.

The commandant of the academy, Lieutenant General Manvender Singh, told the prince that mules are still used in hilly areas, where they carry up to 70kg.

An instructor added: "We have our borders with the Himalayas, where there are no roads. The mules carry everything - fuel, ammunition, rations - and take it to the furthermost outposts."

In a building designed to simulate fighting in built-up areas, the prince watched a cadet go from room to room firing at moving targets - once with blank ammunition as the prince followed behind, and then with live ammunition as Charles watched from the safety of the control room.

Inspecting the troops, he met a number of foreign recruits including some from Afghanistan. "They are very good at boxing," said the commandant.

Charles might have revealed something of his own experience of military training when he asked some cadets: "Do you do military history?" he asked.
Pak-salvo missile to deter Indian-cold start doctrine
An outstanding with enhanced capability missile tested successfully today dated November 5, 2013. It was a Short Range Surface to Surface Missile named as Hatf IX (NASR) with a range of 60 kilometer. The test fire was conducted with successive launches of 4 x missiles (Salvo) from a state of the art multi tube launcher. Nasr with this in-flight maneuver capability is a quick response system equipped with shoot and scoot attributes.
Before analyzing Nasr it is imperative to recount here that nuclear deterrence is foisted upon Pakistan due to India’s aggressive nuclear weapon program. Coming to the point, India is pro-actively firing day by day a new test, just for instance going a few days back, Indian test-fired a nuclear-capable Prithvi-II missile with a strike range of 350 km. It was also a surface-to-surface missile that was test-fired from a mobile launcher in ‘Salvo Mode.’ Giving that reason, Pakistan’s response in form of TNWs in or the other way, is necessary for restoring and then ultimately maintaining the credibility of its nuclear deterrence. The Chief of Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, acknowledging the effort as an addition to Pakistan deterrence, congratulated the scientists and engineers on this outstanding achievement which consolidates Pakistan\'s deterrence capability.
The test being in a Salvo mode is an excellent effort to respond to India’s Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) and there ‘proactive operations which were introduced with the purpose of finding space for limited war, by achieving their objectives remaining below Pakistan nuclear threshold.’ The press release also explained regarding the test that it contributes to the full spectrum deterrence against threats in view of evolving scenarios.
Therefore Pakistan’s verdict of introducing these weapons in its nuclear force posture is very much intact with ‘Waltz argument that in an anarchical international system, states must rely on self-help mechanism for protecting its sovereignty and national security.’ Though for Pakistan the real nuclear threat festering in south Asia is Indian military expansion and buildup but pragmatically speaking, if India assumes that it could dominate the war through surgical strikes or its so-called CSD without crossing nuclear threshold then they need to correct themselves keeping the successful series of NASR tests.
It actually aimed to target the ‘advancing Indian Army armored columns’ or proactive Indian army operations inside the Pakistan borders. The cutting edge technology (Nasr) intends for large army concentration. Haft IX — shoot and scoot nuclear missile could be fired upon ‘area of operation of a Divisional or Corps level attack.’ Belligerently, former Indian Air Chief’s statement would be relevant to quote here that he made categorically; ‘such a nuclear attack even at this level would invite a massive response from India and though he did not name the cities but analysts presume that they might be Lahore and Karachi. Defence analysts had also surmised that Pakistan is at a distinct disadvantage of producing this weapon system which it cannot use in any war with its adversary but has spent billions of dollars on the same. Ironically, I believe it’s more a liability rather than a benefit. They won’t be used on either sides of border.
Lastly, since the game of thrones was initiated by Indian CSD, Pakistan needs to keep on test firing these upgraded missiles. Let’s wait and see how India will react; it could be that they would create a buffer zone might be plus 60 Km on border J

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