http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20140113/main1.htm
India offers
DGMO-level talks with China
New Delhi moves
ahead on Border Defence Cooperation Agreement inked during PM's Beijing visit
Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News
Service
New Delhi, January
12
The largely
unmarked 4,057-km Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China has
peace at hand after both sides accused each other of scores of border
transgressions last year. What could make it happen is India's experience with
Pakistan on keeping in touch at the Director General of Military Operations
(DGMO) level to ensure border tranquility.
Government sources
confirm that New Delhi has invited Deputy Chief of General Staff (CGS) of
China's People's Liberation Army for talks on setting up more border meeting
points and hotlines between the top military leadership of the two countries.
The Defence
Ministry has cleared a formal invite, to be sent through the Ministry of
External Affairs, to the PLA's Deputy CGS, who deals with operational issues
and day-to-day matters, sources said. The PLA has no such post as DGMO, so the
invite is directed to a General who will talk to the Indian DGMO, Lt Gen Vinod
Bhatia.
A source said:
"The process has just started, but the aim is to ensure peace. A direct
contact between the top military brass will help in keeping either side in
check".
This is in line
with the Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) inked on October 23 last
year during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Beijing.
India has similar
DGMO-level arrangement with Pakistan. The DGMO's communicate with each other
every Tuesday over a special hotline. They met last month in December at the
Wagah-Attari land crossing and vowed to maintain ceasefire.
The BDCA proposes
'mutual consultations' to facilitate contacts and meetings between relevant
organizations. It refers to establishing border personnel meeting sites in all
sectors, as well as telephone contacts and telecommunication links at mutually
agreed locations along the LAC. It points to setting up a hotline between the
military headquarters of the two countries.
At present there
are three meeting points for Brigadier-level officers to meet at Spanngur Gap
in eastern Ladakh, Nathu La in Sikkim and Bumla in Arunachal Pradesh. There is
keenness to have two more meeting points - one at Kibithoo in eastern Arunachal
and the one in Himachal Pradesh. As an interim measure for the first time
Brigadier level officers met on January 1 at Bumla. Normally, the meetings take
place on six-designated days in a year. Brigadiers on either side of the divide
can also seek a flag meeting on any contentious issue.
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20140113/nation.htm#2
S Korea wants to set up N-plant in India
New Delhi, January
12
Keen on entering
India's growing nuclear market, South Korea wants to build an atomic power
plant here but India is not rushing into it.
The government
first wants to complete the projects already initiated, including Kudankulam
III and IV and Jaitapur, which are facing hurdles on various counts. But India
is willing to have cooperation with South Korea in other aspects of the nuclear
field, like research.
South Korea
conveyed its desire to build a nuclear plant in India when a delegation from
its Ministry of Science came here recently, sources said. This was preceded by
a visit of a team of Department of Atomic Energy to South Korea to discuss
possible cooperation in the nuclear field in November last year.
Sources said India
was not very keen on having Korean nuclear reactors immediately. The DAE first
wants to concentrate on existing plants and deal with the issues such as
liability over which many foreign collaborators have raised questions.
“We would first want to clear
the impediments for projects that are already in pipeline and then move on to
another projects,” said a senior DAE official. Currently, all power plants are
running behind schedule. — PTI
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20140113/nation.htm#8
MoD waives recovery of excess pension from
military doctors
Tribune News
Service
Chandigarh,
January 12
The Ministry of
Defence (MoD) has waived the excess amount of non-practicing allowance (NPA)
paid to armed forces doctors who retired before 1996.
But a fresh round
of litigation may come up as a recent Supreme Court judgment had stated that
NPA has to be considered towards fixation of pensionary benefits.
In its orders
issued a few days ago, the MoD has stated that on receipt of representations
from individuals as well as associations, the government has reconsidered the
matter on humanitarian grounds and has decided to waive the recovery of excess
amount of the element of NPA paid to retired armed forces doctors from
September 2001 to March 2008.
The government had
decided to recover the excess amount after armed forces doctors has lost their
case in the Supreme Court for counting NPA towards fixation of benefits.
Doctors are paid several thousand rupees per month as NPA.
The MoD order also
states that the amount of excess NPA already recovered so far would not be
refunded.
About two months
ago, the Supreme Court, in a detailed judgment in a separate case, had ruled
that NPA needs to be added for fixation of retirement benefits.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Desi-defence-showpieces-powered-by-videshi-parts/articleshow/28720189.cms
Desi defence
showpieces powered by videshi parts
NEW DELHI: The
Tejas light combat aircraft, 30 years in the making, is just 60% indigenous as
of now. The story of the indigenous Arjun main battle tank is even worse. First
sanctioned in May 1974, 55% of the tank is still made of imported parts. This
is the recurring theme across India's fledgling defence industrial base (DIB),
with the government failing to whip DRDO and its sprawling empire of over 50
laboratories as well as the five defence PSUs, four shipyards and 50 ordnance
factories into shape.
The defence
ministry, with its constant flip-flops, has also failed to spur the domestic
private sector into entering the defence production sector in a big way.
Neither has it managed to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), notching up
a measly $5 million in the last 14 years.
A K Antony may
often tom-tom "indigenisation" as one of his guiding mantras, which
he feels can curb corruption, but the ground reality has hardly changed in the
over seven years he has been at the helm in MoD. India continues to wallow as
the world's largest arms importer, with the armed forces still getting around
65% of their military hardware and software from abroad.
In sharp contrast,
China has emerged as the fastest growing arms exporter around the globe after
assiduously building a strong DIB. It's now hawking fighter jets, warships,
missiles and smaller arms to countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia,
Turkey, Bolivia and Zambia.
But a "proper
ecosystem" has simply not been erected in India. As if the "high import
content" in the so-called indigenous projects was not enough, insiders say
even the much-touted transfer of technology (ToT) provision build into large
defence contracts with foreign manufacturers is a bit of a sham.
"Indian PSUs
focus more on just assembling knocked-down kits from foreign vendors instead of
properly absorbing technologies," said a senior official, pointing to the
ongoing "licensed production" of the Russian-origin Sukhoi-30MKI
fighters by Hindustan Aeronautics (HAL).
India has inducted
almost 200 of the 272 Sukhois contracted for well over $12 billion from Russia,
with HAL producing most of the fighters. "As per plans, HAL should have
begun making Sukhois completely from raw material two-three years ago. But
there has been a big delay," he said.
"Moreover,
the cost of each HAL-manufactured Sukhoi is almost Rs 100 crore more than if
the same fighter was directly imported from Russia (the last 42 Sukhois ordered
cost over Rs 450 crore each)," he added.
DRDO does have a
point that funds allocated for defence R&D are not adequate. "We just
get slightly over 5% of the total defence budget. The US defence R&D budget
is around 12%, while China has 20%," said a scientist.
But not many are
impressed, pointing to huge time and cost overruns in almost all DRDO projects.
While the indigenous development of Tejas, Arjun and other weapon systems is
certainly to be cheered, the high import content in them remains another source
of worry.
Take Tejas, which
finally achieved its initial operational clearance last month. It has an
American engine, British ejection seat, Canadian canopy sheath and Israeli
radar. "A major chunk of its avionics and weapons are also imported. The
series production of the Tejas Mark-II version, which is what IAF actually wants,
is unlikely to begin before 2022," said an officer.
The Army, in turn,
has inducted 124 Arjun Mark-I tanks, while trials are currently in progress for
the Mark-II version with 89 "upgrades or improvements". The tank is
just about 45% indigenous as of now, with its main laser guided missile being
the Israeli LAHAT. "Arjun's missile firing control system, laser target
designator, engine transmission, suspension unit and running gear (track) are
all foreign," said an Army officer.
India has fared
relatively better on the naval front, with all the 45 warships currently on
order being constructed in Indian shipyards. Officials say India has achieved
80-90% indigenisation in the "float" (warship's structure, hull etc),
50-60% on the "move" (propulsion) and 30% on the "fight"
(weapons and sensors) components.
http://indrus.in/blogs/2013/12/19/dogfight_duke_the_mig_that_forced_an_armys_surrender_31775.html
Dogfight duke: The
MiG that forced an army’s surrender
December 19, 2013
Rakesh Krishnan Simha
The MiG-21 FL was
the force multiplier that allowed other IAF aircraft to go in for the kill
without having to watch their back during the 1971 War, thereby hastening the
fall of the Pakistani military.
The MiG-21 may be
the only aircraft in aviation history to have forced a nation to surrender. The
devastating attack on the Governor’s House in Dhaka in East Pakistan by MiG-21s
proved to be a turning point in the 1971 India-Pakistan war.
India’s blitzkrieg
strategy against the Pakistani military had brought the Indian Army to the
outskirts of Dhaka within just nine days. Holed up in the huge building, the
puppet government of East Pakistan had declared it would not surrender to the
Indians.
At 11am on
December 14, 1971, a detachment of four MiG-21 FL fighters spotted the
Governor’s House. After circling around it once, they went in for their
strafing runs, targeting the massive central dome with rockets and bombs. The
Governor became so fear stricken that he promptly resigned and took shelter in
the UN’s air raid shelter.
It was the MiG-21
– codenamed Fishbed by NATO – that dealt the most severe blows to the Pakistan
Air Force. With their air cover blown away, more than 93,000 Pakistan Army
troops and 7,000 civilian aides surrendered unconditionally.
Fishbed fury
The Russians had
designed the aircraft to be a high-altitude “spot interceptor” but India used
it for a multitude of roles. Besides air defence, the MiG-21 was used for
high-level ground attack, providing top cover to IAF strike aircraft, luring
enemy aircraft away from strategic targets, and combat air patrol.
When the war
started on December 3, six squadrons of MiG-21FLs were part of the IAF's
order-of battle, participating in operations both in the eastern and western
sectors. By the time hostilities ended on December 16, the MiGs had downed four
F-104 Starfighters, two F-6s, an F-86 Sabre and a C-130 Hercules of the
Pakistan Air Force (PAF).
It was in the
western theatre that the MiG-21 was employed in its primary task, that of air
defence, escort and interception. Deployed at all the major air bases, from
Pathankot in the north to Jamnagar in the south western area, the MiG-21FLs
mounted hundreds of sorties and were continuously scrambled to intercept
hostile intruders.
The MiG-21 finally
met its original adversary, the F-104 Starfighter, in air combat during the
1971 War. “In all four recorded cases of classic dogfights, the MiG-21s
outclassed and out fought the F-104s,” says the official history of the IAF.
“The first aerial victory was on December 12, when MiG-21FLs of No. 47 Squadron
shot down a PAF F-104 over the Gulf of Kutch and this was followed by three
more victories in quick succession on December 17, when MiG-21FLs of No. 29
Squadron escorting (Indian made) HF-24 Maruts, shot down intercepting F-104s
near Uttarlai in the Rajasthan desert in gun-missile encounters, while a third
F-104, on an intruding mission, was shot down by another MiG 21FL of No.29
Squadron.”
Versatile aircraft
There is yet
another unique role the MiG-21 FL played in 1971. Air Marshal (retd) Subhash
Bhojwani, who was a young flying officer during the war, says the IAF used the
MiG as a high-altitude relay aircraft.
IAF bombers
returning after striking deep in Pakistani territory often found it difficult
to land back home because they were either flying under the radar or out of
radio range. “So our role as MiG-21 FL was to fly high at an altitude of 9 km
and relay the signals to the returning fighter pilots,” says Bhojwani.
“We would use code language
and I was a 'sparrow'. The Pakistanis who intercepted our conversation never
imagined that it was a MiG-21 FL flying at high altitude and instead thought
the Russians secretly gave Indians their AWACS aircraft, the Moss.”
Raid on Badin
Badin was one of the most
important IAF targets of the war. Located in southern Sindh, it was home to a
powerful signal and radar unit, which provided coverage to PAF air operations
in the south-western sector. It was a gift from the Americans for Pakistan
joining the Baghdad Pact, and proved to be a huge “pain in the neck” for the
IAF. Although it was heavily defended by anti-aircraft guns, the IAF decided to
have a crack at it.
On the morning of December 12,
two MiG-21s were sent from Jamnagar to obtain photo cover of the radar complex.
A few hours later, four MiGs attacked the complex but the bombs didn't land
directly on the antennae.
The following day, the IAF
threw three four more MiG-21s at Badin. This time the MiGs struck the aerials
and the power generating structure of the radar complex. However, one aircraft
was lost to ground fire. The operation put out the centre and made life a
little easier for Indian pilots.
Fishbed fear
With top cover provided by
MiG-21s, IAF Sukhoi-7s and Hunters launched relentless attacks on Pakistan’s
forward airbases, forcing the PAF to operate from bases further inland. This
curtailed their range and the PAF aircraft were no longer able to attack
freely.
From December 8,
says the IAF, Western Air Command changed its tactics for counter air and close
air support operations. “Deliberate attempts were made to attract the PAF's
attention and invite aerial engagement. Strike missions were led by fighters
which flew high enough to be seen on Pak radar screens. But the PAF refused to
cooperate. Instead there was a marked decline on attacks on Indian troops.”
One of the reasons
why the PAF refused to engage in dogfights was the fear of encountering the
MiG-21. The Pakistanis were now psyched by the multiplier effect of the MiG-21.
The Russian aircraft was – to use an American football term – running
interference for IAF bombers and strike aircraft and the PAF could do nothing
about it.
Also, because war
involves constant attrition, both sides were losing aircraft almost daily, but
the PAF was losing planes and pilots at a faster rate. So the PAF decided to
opt out of the air war and preserve its remaining aircraft rather than take on
the likes of the MiG-21.
“The MiG-21 proved to be a
highly effective air defence weapons system,” says the IAF. Grouping the high
flying MiGs with low flying Hunters and Sukhois was a brilliant tactic. The air
superiority umbrella created by the Fishbed allowed other IAF aircraft to mount
their attacks in an environment that favoured them. The MiG-21 was indeed the
dogfight duke of the 1971 War.
http://www.nation.com.pk/international/13-Jan-2014/german-defence-minister-wants-family-friendly-army
German defence
minister wants family-friendly army
BERLIN - Germany's
new defence minister wants to create more family-friendly armed forces by
making it easier for soldiers to work part-time and extending childcare, she
told a Sunday newspaper.
"My goal is
to make the German armed forces into one of the most attractive employers in
Germany," Ursula von der Leyen, Germany's first female defence minister,
said.
"In doing so,
the most important issue is the compatibility of employment and family,"
the 55-year-old, mother-of-seven said in an interview with Sunday's Bild
newspaper.
Von der Leyen's
move from the labour to defence portfolio came as a surprise when Chancellor
Angela Merkel's new cabinet under her "grand coalition" with the
Social Democrats was unveiled four weeks ago.
Viewed as an
up-and-coming possible successor to Merkel, von der Leyen lost no time in
visiting German troops in Afghanistan a few days before Christmas and revealed
in the Sunday interview she had been tapped for the job only five days before
being sworn in with the rest of the cabinet.
"Anyone who,
for example, uses the option of a three- or four-day week while raising a
family must still have career prospects," she told Bild.
Among the reforms,
she said she was also considering a system whereby overtime could be saved up
and then used for looking after small children or elderly parents.
She also wants to
study the army's system of transferring soldiers every two to three years, she
said. "A career in the armed forces must not mean as a rule: always on
duty and every few years a move," von der Leyen said.
And she added that
widening childcare provision would be one of the first measures looked at.
"We need a
flexible system of childcare across the armed forces," she said, calling
for the provision of out-of-hours care, before or after the normal working day,
beyond that offered by barrack nurseries.
Von der Leyen, who
was family affairs minister in Merkel's first cabinet, has been credited with
driving social reforms, many borrowed from the centre-left opposition,
including expanding childcare and granting new fathers paid leave.
Her comments come
amid a debate in Germany about how to better combine family and professional
life, as Europe's top economy grapples with an ageing and shrinking population
and tries to boost the birthrate and lure women back to work.
New Family
Minister Manuela Schwesig, a Social Democrat, has proposed cutting the work
week for parents of young children, possibly to 32 hours, and using taxes to
help fund the proposal.
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